"Fatah adopts all legitimate forms of struggle along with clinging to the 
 option of peace without limiting the options to negotiations to achieve 
 peace. Among the forms of struggle that can be exercised with success in the 
 current phase to support and activate the negotiations or to act as 
 alternative to the negotiations if the negotiations don’t achieve their 
 goals: ..."
 [Dr. Aaron Lerner - IMRA: emphasis on "can be exercised with success in the 
 current phase" = murdering Israeli children may not necessarily be in the 
 game plan this week - but not because it is intrinsically wrong to do - but 
 rather a question of efficacy - this week. Now if in another "phase" 
 murdering Israeli infants "can be exercised with success" then there is 
 nothing in the Fatah Political Program to rule it out.]
FULL TEXT OF FATAH POLITICAL PROGRAM AFTER IT WAS RATIFIED BY FATAH CONFERENCE
As published in al-Ayyam Translation provided by The Jerusalem Media & 
 Communications Center
The political program said the continuation of negotiations without 
 achieving real progress within a set time ceiling constitutes a danger on 
 our rights and becomes foul play that allows 
 as cover up for the continuation of settlements and consolidation of the 
 occupation. The program defines eleven rules in order to engage in 
 negotiations with 
 the current dialogue with Hamas and ratified four steps to confront the 
 siege imposed on 
Fatah Movement rejected the alternative homeland in 
 sign any agreement that does not lead to the release of all prisoners. Fatah 
 stressed on rejecting the principle of forceful resettlement or the calls 
 for the alternative homeland: there wont be resettlement in 
 there wont be an alternative homeland in 
Fatah stressed on serious work towards the release of all prisoners and we 
 will not sign any peace agreement until all prisoners are released. Fatah 
 stressed on the independence of the movement in the context of the PLO and 
 the PNA.
The political program of Fatah pointed out that in order to avoid a 
 situation where the negotiations become foul play and waste of time; we have 
 to make sure that the PLO abides following rules in order to engage in the negotiations:
1- To link the negotiations process with real progress on the ground 
 according to clear and concrete indicators, mainly the complete halt of 
 settlements especially in Jerusalem and to stop changing the features of 
 Jerusalem and to stop the Judaization process of Jerusalem and these are two 
 conditions that must be met in order for resumption of any peace 
 negotiations; we need to ensure also that Israel end its incursions, 
 arrests, assassinations, and the end of the siege imposed on our people in 
 Gaza, and the removal of the checkpoints in the West Bank, and the 
 withdrawal until the September 28, 2000 borders as a first step towards 
 withdrawal until the borders of June 4, 1967; these are clear and concrete 
 indicators that must be seen on real grounds and to link progress in 
 negotiations with achieving the above mentioned steps and measures.
2- Negotiations will be on the basis of international legitimacy and its 
 main resolutions (181, 194, 242 and 338) and in the context of the Arab 
 Peace Initiative, as long as the continuation of negotiations meet our 
 interim and strategic goals.
3- To continue work towards holding a new international peace conference 
 that consolidates our rights and pushes towards quick negotiations that 
 result in a peace agreement that achieves our goals.
4- To insist on setting up a clear and binding time table and a time ceiling 
 for the negotiations.
5- To reject delaying negotiations over 
 any of the final solution issues.
6- To reject the idea of the state with temporary borders.
7- To totally reject recognizing 
 protect the rights of the refugees and the rights of our people inside the 
 Green Line.
8- To insist on international participation during the negotiations and on a 
 mechanism for arbitration upon the eruption of a dispute when implementing 
 the agreements and this mechanism should be binding for both sides.
9- To insist on international monitoring and an international peace keeping 
 mechanism to guarantee the implementation of the agreement.
10- Our success in achieving our goals through negotiations requires a 
 national professional committee capable of negotiations that will remain 
 under the PLO supervision and to be monitored by a higher committee which should include the factions and Palestinian competent figures and another 
 Fatah Committee to follow up the negotiations and to submit its reports to 
 Fatah Central Committee and Fatah Revolutionary Council.
11- We must head to popular referendum to adopt the peace agreement that 
 will be reached through the final status negotiations.
Fatah defined five options that it will adopt in case the current dialogue 
 with Hamas fails. Fatah said that the continuation of the split between the 
 two parts of the homeland constitutes a threat to the fate of the national 
 cause of the Palestinian people and Hamas bears responsibility for the 
 continuation of the split; we have to move forward to achieve success in 
 comprehensive national dialogue, mainly with Hamas, on the basis of ending 
 the split in Gaza and the establishment of a national reconciliation 
 government that organizes concurrent presidential and legislative elections 
 and unify the security services as national services that protect the 
 security of the homeland and the citizen and to handle the traces of the 
 split and achieve national reconciliation and release of the detainees. 
 Fatah stressed that the failure of the dialogue because of Hamas 
 intransigence does not downplay the importance and priority of the dialogue 
 and its continuation, but forces Fatah to adopt alternative options:
First: To restructure Fatah Movement in 
 situation and provide full support to our organization in 
 the split.
Second: To push the cadres and members of Fatah in 
 action and mobilize the Palestinian masses to confront the split and 
 dictatorship.
Third: To expose the measures of Hamas; these measures which are not part of 
 our Palestinian traditions and norms, and the crimes committed against the 
 Palestinian people.
Fourth: To demand Arab security support in Gaza Strip during the interim 
 phase.
Fifth: To reinforce media action in the Arab and Islamic street to expose 
 the policies and measures of Hamas.
With regards to ending the siege imposed on 
1- to reinforce the steadfastness of 
 priority in national support through the finances of the PNA and 
 international; grants and to solve the urgent problems of Gazans who reside abroad (students and patients).
2- To launch an international humanitarian campaign against the siege and 
 the attempts to cause famine in 
 crimes against humanity that 
 to link the negotiations with 
3- To start a process of gradual dismantling of the linkage of the 
 Palestinian economy with the Israeli market, especially in electricity, 
 fuel, gas, basic food items and replace them with Egyptian, Jordanian and 
 Arab markets.
4- to work on implementing the international agreement on Rafah Crossing and 
 try to develop the agreement in a manner that does not give Israel the 
 chance to control the crossing or the chance to close this important 
 crossing.
Fatah adopts all legitimate forms of struggle along with clinging to the 
 option of peace without limiting the options to negotiations to achieve 
 peace. Among the forms of struggle that can be exercised with success in the 
 current phase to support and activate the negotiations or to act as 
 alternative to the negotiations if the negotiations don’t achieve their 
 goals:
a- To mobilize popular struggle against settlements and its successful 
 modern form is the continuous confrontation in Bil’in and Ni’lin against 
 settlements and the wall, and to save 
 We have the task to mobilize all citizens to engage in the activities and to 
 achieve Arab and foreign popular participation and offer all support from 
 the PNA apparatuses in order to make them succeed and Fatah popular and 
 official leaders need to lead the most important activities.
b- To be creative in finding new forms of struggle and resistance through 
 popular initiatives and other initiatives by the cadres of the movement and 
 to stress on the determination of our people to remain steadfast and resist 
 in accordance with the legitimate norms and laws.
c- To boycott the Israeli products inside the territories and abroad through 
 popular moves, in particular commodities that have a local alternative and 
 exercise new forms of civil disobedience against the occupation and work to 
 escalate an international campaign towards boycotting Israel and its 
 products and its institutions through making use of the experience of South 
 Africa.
d- To pose and discuss Palestinian strategic alternatives if it is not 
 possible to achieve progress through the current negotiations, including poising the idea of the unified democratic state that rejects racism, hegemony and occupation, and to develop struggle against Israeli Apartheid and Racism or return to the idea of declaring the state on the 1967 borders and other strategic alternatives.
e- To continue tireless work towards the release of the prisoners and 
 detainees and end the external siege and the internal checkpoints and 
 achieve freedom of movement.
f- To return to the UN and the Security Council and demand that they assume 
 their responsibilities in ending the conflict and ending the occupation and 
 to continue work towards the issuance of Security Council resolutions on the 
 basis of the Seventh Chapter of the UN Charter which carry the binding 
 character.
g- To regain our direct and strong relations with the Israeli peace camp and 
 reactive it to work for the sake of a just peace without confusing this with 
 normalization which is rejected as a policy under the occupation.
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