by Arnold Ahlert
Keeping in mind the free exchange of ideas to which Duke is ostensibly committed, perhaps it is time for the university to engender a campus-wide discussion on the difference between religious pluralism and dhimmitude, and the inherent conflict between Sharia Law and a Democratic Republic. The MSA has been allowed to hide behind a veil of campus-sanctioned political correctness for far too long.
 In a move described as an initiative to promote “religious pluralism,” Duke University announced Tuesday it would broadcast a weekly call to prayer for Muslims from the Duke Chapel bell tower each Friday at 1 p.m. Yesterday, however, the University reversed itself.  “Duke remains committed to fostering an inclusive, tolerant and  welcoming campus for all of its students,” said Michael Schoenfeld, vice  president for public affairs and government relations. “However, it was  clear that what was conceived as an effort to unify was not having the  intended effect.”
In a move described as an initiative to promote “religious pluralism,” Duke University announced Tuesday it would broadcast a weekly call to prayer for Muslims from the Duke Chapel bell tower each Friday at 1 p.m. Yesterday, however, the University reversed itself.  “Duke remains committed to fostering an inclusive, tolerant and  welcoming campus for all of its students,” said Michael Schoenfeld, vice  president for public affairs and government relations. “However, it was  clear that what was conceived as an effort to unify was not having the  intended effect.”
Thus Duke takes a rare break from its long  tradition of fostering a politically correct, hypersensitive atmosphere  on campus — one rife with hypocrisy. The same university that will not  acquiesce to the MSA in this case is the one that hosted the  annual conference of the Palestine Solidarity Movement (PSM) in 2004,  during which attendees defeated proposals to moderate PSM’s “Guiding  Principle #5,” that refuses to condemn terrorism. It was followed up by  several speakers more than willing to bash Israel as an apartheid state,  comparing their treatment of Palestinians to “Algiers under the French  or Poland under the Nazis,” deriding American media for a “campaign of  misinformation by Zionist-leaning news editors,” and accusing the Jewish  State of “attempting to actually rid itself of the Palestinians while  taking as much of their land as possible.”
In 2010, Duke’s ostensible commitment to pluralism led them to abruptly cancel an  event about motherhood scheduled for the Duke University’s Women’s  Center. They were upset that its sponsor, Duke Students for Life (DSFL),  was initiating pro-life discussions elsewhere on campus. Duke Women’s  Center Gender Violence Prevention Specialist Martin Liccardo (seriously)  told the group their pro-life stance was too “upsetting” for some  students.
Duke is also where Chick-fil-A’s campus outlet closed in 2013. The administration notified the  university’s Center for LGBT Life that “West Union will close next  summer for renovations and we’ve already made the decision not to have  Chick-fil-a in the building when it reopens.” That decision followed expressions of  concern from the gay rights organization, now known as the Center for  Sexual and Gender Diversity at Duke. Rick Johnson, associate vice  president of housing and dining, insisted the  closing had nothing to do with Chick-Fil-A CEO Dan Cathy’s comments in  opposition to same-sex marriage. But he also said he had been contacted  by members of the Duke community demanding Chick-fil-A’s removal. “I  told them it’s really a moot point,” he said at the time. “Their  contract is up at the end of this year. It seemed to satisfy them.”
And then there was Duke’s ultimate paean to  political correctness. When three Duke lacrosse players were falsely  accused of raping a woman and unjustly charged by district attorney Mike  Nifong—who had suppressed evidence and committed perjury before recusing himself—88 Duke professors published a  letter stating “what is apparent every day now is the anger and fear of  many students who know themselves to be objects of racism and sexism,  who see illuminated in this moment’s extraordinary spotlight what they  live with everyday.”
They did so prior to anyone being  charged with a crime. And rather than apologize as the case was falling  apart, they doubled down, citing the “disaster” of an atmosphere “that  allows sexism, racism and sexual violence to be so prevalent on campus,”  and further insisting “the legal process will not resolve these  problems”—even as they claimed to believe in the presumption of  innocence. Stephen Baldwin, a professor of chemistry who avoided the  rush to judgment, perfectly described the ethos at work. “There was a  collision between political correctness and due process,” he said, “and  political correctness won.”
Not this time. And while the reversal is  welcome news, one suspects optics, rather than principles, was the  driving factor here. Duke was hammered on social media, led by  evangelist Billy Graham’s son, Franklin. “As Christianity is being  excluded from the public square and followers of Islam are raping,  butchering, and beheading Christians, Jews, and anyone who doesn’t  submit to their Sharia Islamic law, Duke is promoting this in the name  of religious pluralism,” Graham wrote on Facebook Wednesday.
In an interview yesterday with the Charlotte Observer,  Graham further illuminated  his opposition, insisting Duke should not  allow the chapel to be used for the call to prayer. “It’s wrong because  it’s a different god,” he said. “Using the bell tower that signifies  worship of Jesus Christ, using (it) as a minaret is wrong.” And while he  did say Muslims should be free to worship on campus, he added a dose of  sarcasm to the mix. “Let Duke donate the land and let Saudi Arabia  build a mosque for them.” In reference to the Paris atrocities he was  even clearer. “Islam is not a religion of peace,” he added.
Later Thursday on Facebook, he also addressed Duke’s insensitivity and its apparent double-standard:
The Muslim call to prayer that has been approved to go out across the campus of Duke University every Friday afternoon for three minutes includes “Allahu Akbar”—the words that the terrorists shouted at the onset of last week’s massacre in Paris. It includes the proclamation that there is no god but Allah and that Muhammad is the messenger of Allah. Will evangelical Christians be allowed the same three minutes weekly to broadcast the message across campus that God Almighty of the Bible sent His Son Jesus Christ to offer forgiveness of sins and salvation to all who will repent, believe, and call on His Name? Jesus said, “I am the way, the truth, and the life. No one comes to the Father except through Me” (John 14:6).
Mohammad Banawan, administrator at the Muslim American Society of Charlotte,  criticized Graham’s position. “Those comments are trying to incite  hatred,” he declared, adding it is wrong to impugn any religion based on  the actions of a small group of extremists.
Perhaps it is. But the MSA is hardly small  group. Since its inception at the University of Illinois  Urbana-Champaign in January of 1963, the MSA has expanded to nearly 600 chapters nationwide, including 150 affiliated with MSA National.
Furthermore, it is a group with a long track record of ties to Islamist extremism. The group was founded by  members of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). That would be the same MB  established by Hasan al-Bannain Egypt in 1928 that spawned al-Qaeda and  Hamas, spied for  the Nazis in the Middle East, and fought for the Nazi war machine in  two specially formed Muslim Waffen-SS Handschar Divisions during WWII.  The Brotherhood’s doctrines comprise the core of Islamist jihadism as  practiced by Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah, Hamas and the government of Iran,  and it was designed to function as the chief perpetrator of the  Islamist crusade against Western societies.
The MSA apple doesn’t fall far from the MB tree. During the Texas Holy Land terror funding trial, where five defendants were convicted of financing terrorism, a Muslim Brotherhood document emerged identifying the  MSA as one of several groups described as MB “friends”—all of whom  shared a common goal of “eliminating and destroying the Western  civilization from within and ‘sabotaging’ its miserable house by their  hands … so that … God’s religion [Islam] is made victorious over all  other religions.”
The MSA’s creation was part of a Saudi  Arabian-backed effort to establish international Islamic organizations  back in the 1960s, in order to spread its Wahhabist ideology. “The  Saudis over the years set up a number of large front organizations, such  as the Al Haramain Foundation, the Muslim World League, the World  Assembly of Muslim Youth, and a great number of Islamic ‘charities,’” explained Alex  Alexiev of the Center for Security Policy in 2004. “While invariably  claiming that they were private, all of these groups were tightly  controlled and financed by the Saudi government and the Wahhabi clergy.”
In 2007, a New York Police Department report characterized the  MSA as an “incubator” for Islamic radicalism. That assessment was  echoed by Former FBI Special Agent John Guandolo, who described the  group as “a recruitment tool to bring Muslims into the Brotherhood,” and  the the “focal point” for the MB in America.
In 2011, terrorism expert Patrick Poole took  it one step further. “The Muslim Students Association has been a virtual  terror factory,” Poole contended. “Time after time after time again, we  see these terrorists — and not just fringe members: these are MSA  leaders, MSA presidents, MSA national presidents — who’ve been  implicated, charged and convicted in terrorist plots.”
They include al Qaeda cleric and Colorado  State University student Anwar al-Awlaki, who was killed in a drone  strike following his orchestration of the Fort Hood massacre and other  plots; Ramy Zamzam, president of the MSA’s Washington, D.C. council,  convicted in Pakistan for attempting to join the Taliban and kill  American troops; Omar Hammami, leader of Somalia’s al-Shabaab terrorist  group and former president of the MSA chapter at the University of South  Alabama; and imprisoned al Qaeda fundraiser Abdurahman Alamoudi, who  served as national president of the MSA during the 1980s.
A 2010 exchange at  the University of California-Davis between Freedom Center’s David  Horowitz and an MSA member encapsulates the group’s jihadist  inclinations. “I am a Jew,” Horowitz said. “The head of Hezbollah has  said that he hopes that we will gather in Israel so he doesn’t have to  hunt us down globally. For or against it?”
“For it,” she coldly declared.
Duke’s decision will undoubtedly be criticized by the doyens of political correctness, many of whom demonstrated their own faux commitment to  pluralism and freedom by pixilating, or failing to show, the  “offensive” cartoons that engendered the recent Paris carnage, or by insisting that free speech has its limits if it might offend mass murderers.
Keeping in mind the free exchange of ideas to  which Duke is ostensibly committed, perhaps it is time for the  university to engender a campus-wide discussion on the difference  between religious pluralism and dhimmitude, and the inherent conflict  between Sharia Law and a Democratic Republic. The MSA has been allowed  to hide behind a veil of campus-sanctioned political correctness for far  too long.
Arnold Ahlert is a former NY Post op-ed columnist currently contributing to JewishWorldReview.com, HumanEvents.com and CanadaFreePress.com. He may be reached at atahlert@comcast.net.
Source: http://www.frontpagemag.com/2015/arnold-ahlert/duke-reverses-muslim-call-to-prayer-decision/
Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors.
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