by Eli E. Hertz
Applying Double Standards by Requiring of Israel a Behavior Not Expected or Demanded of any Other Democratic Nation
The
 leniency with which the European Union (EU) judges Palestinians’ 
reforms compared to the strictness of EU demands for reform by the Turks
 reveal Europeans’ duplicity and lack of integrity, and should 
disqualify the European Union from playing any significant role in the 
Middle East peace process, under the guise of being an honest broker.
EU
 hypocrisy is undoubtedly noticed when one examines and compares the own
 benchmarks of the EU as applied to a country-candidate [for example 
Turkey] waiting to join the European Union on the one-hand, and the 
benchmarks the EU is applying toward the Palestinians who seek to have a
 state, on the other hand.
European yardsticks for Palestinians, a hostile society, joining the Family of Nations amounts to praise for fabricated non-existent reforms and calls to drop the required incremental progress
 from the Roadmap. An end to violence and democratic reform that 
Palestinians have not even begun is tolerable. All of this in order to 
forge the way for immediate establishment of a Palestinian state, one which will endanger the very survival of a free and democratic Israel. 
The historic decision of the European Commission in mid-December 2004 that Turkey is now ready to begin
 full negotiations on joining the European Union is an excellent 
opportunity to benchmark the way Europeans, members of the quartet, 
judge Turks, and how they judge Palestinians.
Keep
 in mind the goals and the ramifications of each: The Turks’ goal is 
membership in the European Union – a political union that the Europeans 
already say will have an iron-clad reversibility clause for Turkey if it fails to live up to its promises. 
The Palestinians’ goal is sovereignty as a State – status for which there is no reversibility mechanism if Palestine turns into a rogue state. Logically, the yardsticks of judging readiness
 should be at least equal, if not more stringent for Palestinians, a 
society that consciously and purposely sacrifices its own youth for 
political gain and tactical advantage, with a leadership that champions 
and praises suicide bombers.
For
 50 years – since 1963, Turkey has knocked on Europe’s door requesting 
membership in the EU. The Europeans, however, have been in no rush to 
invite a Muslim country into their midst, even if it is the most 
westernized and most democratic Muslim country in the Middle East. 
Although Turkey is already a strategic partner in NATO and some 4 
million of its citizens are peaceful and productive guest workers in 
Europe, these facts seem not to persuade the European Union. Only 36 years later, in 1999, was Turkey accepted as a candidate
, with no timeframe for actual negotiations. At the close of 2004, after
 five years of far-reaching Turkish constitutional and legal reform, the
 EU concluded that Turkey had reached a point where negotiations could 
even commence “under certain conditions.”But it is far too premature to break out the champagne.
Negotiations are expected to take ten to fifteen years, and even then “the outcome is not a foregone conclusion,” declared Romano Prodi, then President of the European Commission.
The first yardstick for progress is to meet the Copenhagen Political Criteria adopted in June 1993 by the EU, which states:
“Membership criteria require that the candidate country must have achieved stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights, and respect for and protection of minorities.”  
Olli
 Rehn, then the member of the European Commission responsible for EU 
Enlargement, made it clear in an address to the European Parliament that
 there are no ‘discounts’ for Turkey.
“These
 criteria, the fundamental values on which the European Union is based, 
are not subject to negotiation” and [there will be] “a suspension 
mechanism in case of serious and persistent breach of democratic 
principles.”
The
 fundamental freedoms Rehn cites include “women’s rights, trade union 
rights, minority rights, and problems faced by non-Muslim religious 
communities” and “consolidation and broadening” of legal reforms 
including “alignment of law enforcement and judicial practice with the 
spirit of the reforms” and a host of other demands. In fact, Europe 
demands a complete ‘makeover,’ from women’s rights to recycling of 
trash.
Like
 Turkey’s appeal for EU membership, realization of Palestinian 
aspirations was supposed to be performance-based. The timetable embedded
 in the Oslo Accords for establishment of limited Palestinian 
self-determination – internal self-rule – was five years (envisioned to 
be consummated in 1999). The Oslo Process hinged on the Palestinian 
leadership abandoning armed struggle and negotiating an end to the 
conflict, and establishing the infrastructure for enlightened self-rule.
 This proviso was never met.  The latest scheme – the 
three-phase Roadmap plan adopted by the Quartet in May 2003 – speaks of 
full independence for Palestinians within three years (envisioned by 
2005).  
Stage II, which supported establishment of an independent Palestinian 
state with provisional borders and attributes of sovereignty within a 6 
month period hinged on compliance with Stage I, which 
demands “unconditional stoppage of violence” and steps towards 
comprehensive reform of the Palestinian Authority.
Romano Prodi’s plea for:
“Profound
 reflection and clear precautions” in Europe, saying it is imperative 
for Europeans to prevent Turks from “weakening the structure we have 
been building for over 50 years.”
The
 same sensitivity and prudence that the EU takes toward the Turks, and 
their effect on European safety and stability is hardly evidenced when 
it comes to dangers that the Palestinians pose towards weakening the 
structure that Israel has built for nearly 64 years, a structure 
that has propelled it from the “developing nation” status it held in the
 early 1950s, to membership among the “important emerging economies” 
today.
Turks
 have been scrutinized by the EU to evaluate Turkey’s readiness for 
membership in the European Union – that is, its ability to live 
side-by-side with England, France, Germany, Spain, Italy and other EU 
members without Turks being a detriment to their  neighbors.  Parallel
 to this process, the EU has been evaluating the Palestinian Authority’s
 readiness for statehood – that is, Palestinians’ ability to live 
side-by-side with Israel without being jeopardy to their neighbor.  
While the goals are different, the EU has declared in both cases that 
the realization of the two goals both require the respective Middle 
Eastern society to undergo far-reaching reform, to adopt western values 
and western standards of conduct.  
Eli E. Hertz
Source:
Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors.
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