by Caroline Glick
In
2010, Cpl. Eleanor Joseph became the first female Arab combat soldier
in the IDF. Joseph, a Christian Arab told Ma'ariv that her good luck
charm is a drawing of the Star of David with the caption: "I have no
other land, even when my ground is burning." Her commander drew it for
her.
Joseph explained, "It is a phrase that
strengthens me. Every time I experience hardship, I read it. Because I
was born here. The people I love live here: My parents, my friends. This
is a Jewish state? Yes, it is. But it's also my country. I can't
imagine living in any other place. I think every person should serve in
the army. You live here? You make your home here? Then go defend your
country. What does it matter that I'm an Arab?"
Joseph's story represents an incipient trend of integration among Israel's Arab community.
Among
other things, this is manifest in the consistently rising number of
Israeli Arab students who elect to study in Hebrew-language schools and
in the rising number of Israeli Arabs who elect to serve in national
service, the civilian equivalent of military service.
A
poll of Arab youth carried out in late 2007 made clear how widespread
this integrationist impulse has become. Seventy-five percent of Arab
youth aged 16 to 22 supported voluntary national service.
And
yet, despite these sentiments and developments, Arab Israelis who seek
to integrate into Israeli society and reject the separatist messages of
their political leaders are forced to contend with extraordinary social
pressures and even coercion to prevent them from acting in accordance
with their wishes.
A study completed this week
by Im Tirtzu exposes the vast array of NGOs generously funded by the
supposedly pro-Israel New Israel Fund as well as by foreign governments
which are running a campaign to oppose Cpl. Joseph and her comrades -
Arabs and Jews alike. Since 1999, these groups have been conducting a
campaign to undermine Arab integration into Israeli society specifically
and to demoralize and reduce the social standing of those who serve in
the IDF, national service and IDF reserves generally. The campaign is
being carried out on a dual track of discouraging Israeli Arabs from
serving in the IDF or national service, and of opposing government
benefits to IDF veterans, reservists and those who undertook national
service by claiming that these benefits unjustly discriminate against
Israeli Arabs.
Im Tirtzu's report argues that
the dual nature of the campaign, underwritten by the same funders, shows
that the goal "is to prolong irredentism or non-integration of the Arab
sector in order to encourage it to act as a sector demanding national
recognition and advance the aim of transforming the State of Israel from
a Jewish, democratic state into a bi-national state."
As
the report notes, it is common practice in many countries to give
government benefits and preferential treatment to military veterans and
reservists. The US government provides massive assistance to veterans in
employment, education, housing and other areas. The purpose of these
benefits is to raise general motivation to serve and to reward those who
have because the American people believe that their personal service
advances the interests of American society as a whole.
To
substantiate its claims against these NIF- and foreign
government-financed Israeli NGOs, Im Tirtzu's organized its report as a
timeline of efforts undertaken by various NGOs to advance the goals of
Arab separatism and reducing the morale and social status of IDF and
national service veterans and reservists across the board.
Although
the Hebrew-language report is worth reading in its entirety, a few
examples will suffice to show the scope of these efforts.
In
1999, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel published a report
which claimed it was discriminatory for workplaces to make military
service a qualification for employment. The report went so far as to
insinuate that Israel could be likened to South Africa's apartheid
regime due to workplace preference for veterans.
That
report was followed by a series of petitions to the High Court
beginning in 2002 submitted by ACRI, Adalah and other groups to overturn
laws and government decisions that give preferential treatment to IDF
veterans and those who served in national service. The petitions have
not led to outright court victories. But in a number of cases, the
lawsuits were dropped after the government canceled the benefits under
challenge.
These groups have opposed every sort
of benefit, including tuition discounts for students, differential
reductions on government child allotments for those who served in the
military and national service and those who did not, preferential
treatment in state land tenders and grants and other housing benefits.
Some
of these court cases directly targeted benefits to Arab IDF veterans.
For instance in 2005, Adalah petitioned the court against the Israel
Lands Authority for making military service a requirement for receiving
ILA land grants in Beduin villages. And in 2009, Adalah petitioned the
court to revoke preferential treatment to Cirassian veterans in an ILA
tender for homesteads in Kfar Kama, a Cirassian village in the Galilee.
ACRI
receives nearly a million dollars every year from the NIF, and receives
funding as well from the EU, the UK, Sweden, Norway, Netherlands,
Spain, Belgium, the Ford Foundation and Christian Aid.
Adalah
similarly receives massive funding from the NIF, the EU, Switzerland
and Scandinavian governments through their joint foreign aid organs. It
also receives funding from George Soros's Open Society Institute.
Some
of the organizations involved are both funders and participants. For
instance, the Abraham Fund has participated in High Court petitions
against benefits to those who have served.
And
it is also a donor to Mossawa, an Israeli Arab group involved in the
campaign. Mossawa was co-founded by NIF's Shatil organization.
According
Im Tirtzu's report, active NGO campaigning against Israeli Arab
national service and military service began in 2007. That year Baladna,
which receives funding from the NIF, spearheaded what has become a
continuous campaign to discourage Israeli Arabs from participating in
national service. Baladna claims that national service is just military
service in disguise.
In its words, "National
service is a direct arm of the Israeli Occupation Army and of security
frameworks that act and always have acted against the Arab population
and the Palestinian nation generally. And so, all attempts to present
the notion of civilian service as service for society are founded in a
deliberate distortion directed at society generally and against the Arab
sector in particular."
Following this line of
reasoning, in 2010 Omar Nasser, the head of the Araba Local Council,
kicked two Arab women serving in national service out of the local
school. Defending his actions Nasser said, "I object in principle to the
national service project because I view it as a means of paving the way
for male and female volunteers to serve in the military in the future,
and I strenuously object to that."
As the Im
Tirtzu report indicates, the NGO-led campaign against Israeli Arab
military and national service has contributed to a situation in which
Israeli Arabs who support such service are subjected to physical abuse,
social ostracism, humiliation and harassment.
In
October 2012, the Forum for Military Service in the Christian Sector
held a conference in Upper Nazareth whose purpose was to encourage
Christians to serve in the IDF and national service. Three hundred
people participated in the conference. One of the heads of Mosawa wrote a
widely distributed article accusing the Christian leadership of
collaborating with the IDF. She suggested blacklisting the communal
leaders involved.
When word of the conference
got out, one priest who participated was banned from the Church of the
Annunciation. Another priest had his tires slashed and a blood-stained
rag placed at his doorstep.
The children who
participated in the conference were singled out for abuse. Their photos
were disseminated on Facebook and in the Arab media. They were
humiliated by their teachers and classmates.
Soldiers
like Eleanor Joseph feel compelled to take off their uniforms before
they return home, because when they have worn them home, they have faced
harassment. One female IDF soldier reportedly was severely beaten by
her neighbors.
The general campaign against
benefits for IDF veterans and those who served in national service also
involves a similar campaign to demoralize high school students and
encourage them not to serve. For instance, in 2008, Social TV, which is
supported by the NIF and the US government, broadcast a propaganda film
targeting Jewish Israeli youth. Its aim was to discourage them from
serving in the IDF.
In 2009, 22 self-proclaimed
feminist organizations, many of which are financed by the NIF, launched
a campaign to support seven members of New Profile who are under police
investigation for launching websites instructing young people how to
dodge the draft - a felony offense.
But the
main thrust of the anti-military campaign has been to prevent and
undermine Knesset and government action to provide benefits for those
who serve - Jewish and non-Jewish alike. According to Im Tirtzu, the
campaign has intimidated Justice Ministry officials into obstructing
bills still before committee hearings.
For
instance, in May 2012, at a Knesset Economics Committee hearing on a
bill to provide housing benefits for IDF reservists, MK Miri Regev said
the bill was being held up because the attorney-general feared legal
challenges in the High Court.
This week, the
Ministerial Committee for Legislation approved a bill that would allow
IDF soldiers to sue for libel those who wrongly accuse them of having
committed war crimes during their military service. Justice Minister
Tzipi Livni opposed the bill. Her opposition indicates that the bill may
face a similar fate as the Knesset's attempt to provide benefits to
reservists.
Military and national service are
vital national institutions. Integration of the Israeli Arab community
is a vital national interest. It is obscene that a handful of
well-funded radicals are able to undermine them both - while paralyzing
our representative institutions.
Im Tirtzu's
report concludes with a list of recommendations the Knesset and
government ministries should take to help those who serve the country,
and to protect Israeli Arabs who serve and those who support them. While
they are all correct, and should be followed, they do not go far
enough. The time has come for the government and the Knesset to rein in
the twin forces - the NGO sector and the legal fraternity - which in the
name of "democracy" undermine our democracy.
Every
election we send our representatives to the Knesset. And every election
the vast majority of our elected representatives share our desire to
support those who serve in the IDF and national service without
reference to their religion, race or gender. We want to support them
because they contribute to the general good of all of Israel.
But
due to a handful of NGOs that receive their funding from outside Israel
from governments and groups that do not share our values and interests,
and due to the cooperation they receive from activist judges and
radical Justice Ministry attorneys, the will of the people is stymied
again and again and again.
Caroline Glick
Source: http://www.carolineglick.com/e/2013/05/ngos-vs-those-who-serve-israel.php
Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors.