PROJECT PRACTICALITY: THE WTO DEAL
As we draw closer to EU Exit Day on 29 
March 2019, with no viable “deal” on the table, we are still deafened 
daily by the strident voices of those seeking to stop Brexit screeching 
that leaving without an agreement – as we will do by law – is akin to 
jumping over a cliff-edge, tumbling into an abyss, waking up on 30 March
 to chaos, confusion and disaster. Such wild and emotive assertions lend
 little credit to the arguments of these arch-Remainers, who would 
prefer permanent subjection to EU laws over which we will have no say to
 the many opportunities for growth and prosperity offered by 
self-government and independent trade, foreign, defence, social, 
environmental, energy and research and development policies. After all, 
55% of our trade is already with non-EU countries, and our non-EU trade 
runs a surplus – unlike our trade with the EU, with which we run a 
whopping £95 billion annual trade deficit.
The desperate claims of Remainer MPs are 
even more risible than those of media pundits, since they cast serious 
doubt on their ability to read or even take note of the masses of 
no-deal Brexit legislation that has already been passed by Parliament to
 ensure there is no “cliff-edge” on 29 March 2019. Parliament, after 
all, has already legislated for a “no-deal” Brexit, principally through 
the European Union (Withdrawal Act) 2018 and the Taxation (Cross-border 
Trade) Act 2018, both of which seek to make the transition to an 
independent future as smooth as possible by domesticating EU systems 
businesses are used to precisely to avert the “chaos and confusion” so 
gleefully predicted by Remainer MPs.
The EU, too, has not been idle. It 
published a whole raft of no-deal preparedness notices on 19 December 
2018, after the first vote on the Withdrawal Agreement was pulled, and 
announced further measures in January and February. Since then EU27 
member states have published more bilateral arrangements to enable life 
to continue as normal after 29 March – bar a few formalities which are 
nothing to anyone used to travelling or trading further than the 
Continent.
Far from “No-Deal” (or as it should more 
correctly be termed, a return to full sovereignty trading under WTO 
rules) being a disaster or a “cliff-edge” scenario, it is looking more 
and more like the best deal on offer. It provides complete certainty 
under international law and conventions to which the UK has long 
subscribed. It prevents endless prevarication and delay while years are 
wasted trying to hammer out terms with an intransigent EU. And it 
delivers Brexit in full – no multi-billion pound divorce settlement, an 
immediate release from the jurisdiction of the ECJ, no requirement to 
follow EU rules over which we have no say, no border in the Irish Sea, 
no customs union, no EU control over our economy, agriculture, 
fisheries, no risk of new EU taxes being imposed on a UK that will have 
no ability to vote them down.
Below, we pull together some of the many 
announcements on trade, citizens and other areas that give a clear 
outline of what this WTO Deal looks like. Altogether, it presents a very
 attractive package of measures based on practical common-sense and 
mutual self-interest, just as a good business deal should.
Trade
The government has yet to publish the UK’s 
no-deal tariff, due to political arguments, but recent reports suggest 
that a low tariff model is now the preferred option. Cutting tariffs is 
at zero cost to the Exchequer, since all customs duties currently raised
 are collected on behalf of the EU, with only 20% retained to cover 
administrative costs.
DIT has, however, already published a list of EU trade remedies it will 
delete (66) as well as 43 it will retain to protect British businesses 
and consumers after Brexit. These figures alone show that having to 
implement the EU’s trade policy in full, as the Withdrawal Agreement and
 Political Declaration oblige us to do, could be very detrimental to our
 own commercial interests.
Despite not being able to commence any 
trade deals until after a complete Brexit (which means no backstop and 
no customs union as envisaged by the Political Declaration), the UK has 
rolled over some important trade and mutual recognition agreements to 
enable trade flows to continue unhindered in a no-deal Brexit – with the
 USA, Australia, New Zealand, Switzerland, Israel and South Africa among
 others.
Talks are continuing with a host of other partners, including Japan, 
with agreements expected to be in place by 29 March. It is obvious that 
third countries with EU agreements are waiting to see what status the UK
 will have in relation to the EU before they sign transitioning 
agreements, which makes uncertainty about the Withdrawal Agreement 
something of a blocker.
The government has joined the WTO 
Government Procurement Agreement, an annual market of public sector 
contracts worth £1.3 trillion, which British businesses will be able to 
bid for.
Several mitigation measures have now been 
made to prevent a legal black hole for cross-border financial services, 
which could have severe repercussions on the already fragile Eurozone 
banking sector. On 19 December 2018, the EU published a range of 
contingency measures for a no-deal Brexit, including equivalence 
guarantees to enable the continuation of derivatives contracts in the 
City. Regulations and decisions followed to give these measures legal 
effect. The Bank of England and UK Debt Office were given mutual 
recognition statusfor all key market areas on 30 January. In February 
2019, ESMA (the European Securities & Markets Authority) recognised 
UK clearing houses (LCH Limited, ICE Clear Europe Limited and LME Clear 
Limited) as able “to provide their services in the EU in the event of a 
no-deal Brexit… in order to limit the risk of disruption in central 
clearing and to avoid any negative impact on the financial stability of 
the EU”.
A memorandum of understanding between the 
UK’s Financial Conduct Authority and ESMA allows asset management firms 
to continue trading as normal after a no-deal Brexit
Insurance firms are covered by a separate MoU between the UK’s 
Prudential Regulatory Authority and the EU’s equivalent regulators, 
although less than 0.5% of existing insurance business is not covered by
 no-deal preparations.
Elsewhere, the UK has signed a deal with 
the USA to enable mutual recognition, regulatory cooperation and the 
continuance of the £45 trillion worth of derivatives traded each year 
between the two countries (about a third of the £230tn of derivatives 
contracts traded in the City every year come from US companies, more 
than from any other jurisdiction).
Newspaper reports and surveys confirm that the post-Brexit landscape for
 financial institutions is now very clear, with contingency plans 
already triggered. The City of London is expected to retain its position
 as a global financial centre.
Transport
On 7 March, the British government provided
 a guarantee that flights to and from the EU would continue unchanged 
after Brexit: “Measures put forward by the UK and the EU will ensure 
that flights can continue in any scenario; deal or no deal. This is good
 news, not only for the industry but most importantly it reaffirms the 
fact that passengers can book flights with confidence, as normal.”
Here, the UK government sets out in detail its reciprocal arrangements 
to the EU’s no-deal offer on aviation, in many cases going beyond the 
EU’s offer to maximise competition and offer better choice to consumers.
 The UK has already signed open skies aviation agreements with the USA 
and Canada, and as all other third country flights will operate under 
international law and the 1944 Chicago Convention, leaving the EU will 
make no difference to non-EU aviation.
Eurotunnel has made it quite clear that its services and business model remain unaffected by Brexit:
“Yes – the Channel Tunnel will definitely 
be open after Brexit, and Eurotunnel will be operating as normal 
whatever form Brexit takes,” it has announced.
The Channel Tunnel is operated under the 
Anglo-French bilateral Treaty of Canterbury, and not under EU law, with 
both countries committed to facilitating “as frictionless trade as 
possible”. Eurotunnel goes on to explain:
There has been a recent story in the press 
about The European Commission providing authorisation for the Tunnel to 
continue to operate as it does now for 90 days after Brexit in the case 
of a “no deal”. This is just because agreed safety and operating 
licences can’t be signed between the UK and the EU unless the UK 
actually is a “third party” at the moment of signing. The 90 days means 
that these agreements will be physically signed after the 29th of March,
 without the service being affected in any way. We are Brexit-ready and 
pleased to let customers know they can book with confidence.”
Train scanners funded entirely by 
Eurotunnel at their hub at Calais-Fréthun can scan freight wagons for 
customs as they cross into France without trains needing to stop, thus 
opening up the possibility of rail freight from the UK all the way to 
China.
In addition to guarantees from Eurotunnel, 
French authorities have given repeated assurances that there will be no 
long queues due to new controls at Calais in the event of a no-deal 
Brexit. The French government has now gone one step further, launching 
its smart customs border at Calais for 29 March 2019 to enable people 
and goods to keep flowing. The main incentive, as the promotional video 
says, is to maintain France’s dominant position in cross-Channel trade.
The “smart border” will operate for both 
ferry traffic and shuttle trains through the Channel Tunnel, enabling 
business to automate goods crossings by HGV through electronic 
pre-declaration of goods, a barcode linking the declaration to the goods
 and the registration plate of the vehicle, and dedicated lanes as 
drivers reach the port – green for “no checks” and orange if the vehicle
 needs to be checked.. This simply takes existing trusted trader schemes
 and electronic declarations and customs pre-clearance to its logical 
conclusion.
The idea of a 50-mile lorry queue in Kent 
often portrayed by Project Fear is, of course, dependent on hold-ups at 
Calais for ferries leaving the UK – and the French are not anticipating 
any problems. Nor is the port of Dover anticipating any more checks than
 it currently operates for lorries entering the UK. DFDS seaways has 
been focusing its resources on helping businesses deal with electronic 
customs, and this is, of course, the key to a frictionless border.
Certain legislative measures have already 
been made to ease traffic at RoRo ports, and the UK’s accession to the 
Common Transit Convention as an independent state greatly reduces 
customs formalities, allowing goods to move across multiple customs 
borders on a single transit declaration. CTC membership also moves 
certain customs formalities away from ports, thereby easing the pressure
 on these potential pinch points.
HMRC has offered guidance and even £8 
milllion for training and IT grants to help traders to familiarise their
 staff and upgrade their systems for customs processes. Businesses used 
to importing from the rest of the world will already be familiar with 
the system, since the UK’s standalone customs regime is designed to keep
 rules essentially the same in order to minimise confusion and 
disruption. However, the government has just made legislation that will 
reduce the checks and formalities required at RoRo ports for a period of
 up to twelve months (Customs Managed Transition Procedure). Coupled 
with the simplified electronic processes already announced, the aim is 
“to keep trade flowing” by making customs compliance as easy as 
possible. Further easements for excise duty movements and VAT have also 
just been published. This handy tracker keeps up to date with the latest
 no-deal statutory instruments.
People – citizens’ rights
Gallons of ink and much vitriol has been 
expended on citizens’ rights, yet it’s one of the few areas in the 
Brexit debate on which all parties have largely agreed. No one thinks 
it’s fair for people who have based their life choices on an existing 
system to be disadvantaged because that system has changed.
- EU citizens already in the UK
The UK has unilaterally committed to 
protect the rights of EU citizens in the UK and has offered generous 
terms to enable them to complete the necessary formalities in order to 
obtain settled status. Applications must be made by 30 June 2021 and 
there is no fee. The process is simple, and applicants can receive 
confirmation of their rights by email after scanning documents through a
 Home Office app.
Rules for EU visitors to the UK will not 
change either in a no-deal Brexit, with visa-free entry for visits of up
 to 90 days guaranteed. The EU has offered to reciprocate for UK 
visitors to the EU.
Rules for EU immigrants in a no-deal Brexit
 give them the same opportunity to live, study and work in the UK as 
now, up until 2021, provided they apply for a European Temporary Leave 
to Remain. If they wish to remain after 2021, they will still be 
eligible to apply for settled status.
In effect, this means that free movement of
 EU/EEA citizens for work and study continues until 2021 under a WTO 
Brexit. There is therefore no “cliff-edge” when it comes to recruiting 
and retaining staff from the EU.
- UK citizens living in the EU27 countries
It’s unfortunate that the EU, which has 
made such a fuss about citizens’ rights, has not been able to 
reciprocate the UK’s generous offer. Whilst it had the authority to 
negotiate under the Article 50 talks, it doesn’t have a mandate to make 
bilateral arrangements, although it has encouraged all EU27 member 
states to guarantee the rights of UK citizens living in their countries.
Many countries have now published their 
guarantees to protect the rights of British expats in the event of a 
no-deal Brexit, including: France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal, 
Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Austria, Ireland 
(which is of course covered by a separate bilateral treaty). However, 
some of these offers are not quite clear, since they are based on 
reciprocity for those countries’ nationals living in the UK – rights 
which the UK has more generously protected as outlined above.
The UK has already signed an agreement with
 the EEA countries (including Norway, which has 30,000 British 
residents) to enable current residence rights to continue, and 
the citizens’ rights agreement with Switzerland could perhaps serve as 
the template for bilateral treaties with the EU27.
The EU runs a very profitable tourist trade
 on visitors from the UK, and one of the first no-deal offers from 
Brussels was a 90-day visa waiver for short stay visitors from the UK 
provided there was reciprocity – which there has been. Portugal is so 
keen to ensure British holidaymakers still choose to visit that it has 
proposed fast-track UK-only passport lanes at its airports. It is an 
idea that is likely to catch on in hotspots popular with British 
tourists as destinations compete for business.
People – study & research
Both the UK and the EU have proposed the 
continuation of current Erasmus programmes for the 14,000 EU students 
and researchers currently in the UK and the 7,000 UK students in the EU.
 The EU has published a regulation to come into force on Exit Day, while
 the UK government has guaranteed funding for all current programmes and
 students for the current cycle that ends in 2020, even for projects 
that continue beyond that date. The government intends to seek a 
continuation of Erasmus participation in the event of a no-deal Brexit, 
and as this is set out as an objective in the Political Declaration, it 
is likely to meet with a receptive hearing.
- Researchers – Horizon 2020 and beyond
The government has also guaranteed 
to underwrite Horizon 2020 projects entered into before 29 March 2019 
for the lifetime of the projects entered into by Exit Day. The 
government has also committed to develop a new UK research strategy 
providing a fund for research and development fund of 2.7% of GDP by 
2027. In essence, research funds currently sent to Brussels and dished 
out through a complicated process between several countries will be able
 to be focused on projects run entirely from the UK (with or without 
overseas partners).
New Horizons…. In June 2018, the EU set out proposals for its next 
Horizon Programme, 2020-2027, in which non-EU countries will be able to 
participate for a fee. This concession is clearly aimed at keeping the 
UK within the Horizon programme.
Conclusions
It can be seen from all of the above that –
 to quote a hackneyed phrase – as the clock ticks down to 29 March, 
there is nothing whatsoever to fear from leaving the EU without an 
agreement and reverting to WTO rules. These rules have been 
long-established, are universally accepted, and present no change at all
 for the majority of our exporters. Only then will the UK gain the 
leverage it needs to propose the kind of free trade deal with the EU 
that would maximise the benefits of Brexit – when control of our 
borders, law and money has been repatriated to these shores.