by Dr. Ofer Israeli
Unless a proper strategy is adopted, the deal might let Iran produce dozens of nuclear bombs within a decade or two. But the deal's adverse effects will be felt much sooner. Iran's immediate rise as a fierce adversary will likely result in far-reaching strategic changes in region and beyond. It is safe to assume that the deal will trigger a nuclear arms race in the region.
The nuclear deal  between Iran and the West is a great Iranian success story. The  provisions stipulated in the July 14 agreement were made possible thanks  to the masterful haggling of the Iranian negotiators, who made sure to  incorporate foreign policy, public diplomacy and international crisis  management into one overarching negotiating strategy. The world powers  were brought to their knees in Vienna, but those who will have to live  with the agreement's consequences are Israel and the other nations in  the region. 
Soon after the deal was  announced, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani said that after 12 years of  negotiations, Iran's right to nuclear enrichment was finally recognized  by the world powers. Rouhani's statement suggests that Iran will  continue to pursue a military nuclear program. With the lifting of  sanctions, it will rake in billions of dollars that, together with the  ineffective and limited inspection regime run by the International  Atomic Energy Agency, will help Iran realize its goal -- becoming a  regional power that has nuclear capabilities. 
Unless a proper  strategy is adopted, the deal might let Iran produce dozens of nuclear  bombs within a decade or two. But the deal's adverse effects will be  felt much sooner. Iran's immediate rise as a fierce adversary will  likely result in far-reaching strategic changes in region and beyond. It  is safe to assume that the deal will trigger a nuclear arms race in the  region. 
Saudi Arabia, the  largest and most important Arab state in the Persian Gulf, will feel  compelled to obtain nuclear weapons. Using its massive cash reserves, it  will develop an indigenous nuclear program or buy off-the-shelf nuclear  warheads from Pakistan, as Islamabad is indebted to Riyadh, which  funded a major part of the Pakistani nuclear program. Egypt and Turkey  might also opt for a nuclear program as a means of preserving their  regional status and checking the threatening Shiite empire, whose rise  will be facilitated by the international powers. 
Without the sanctions,  the Iranian economy will thrive. A tremendously prosperous Iran will use  its regional tentacles to destabilize other countries in the region,  even more so that it does today. Nations that currently enjoy relative  stability, like Jordan, will have to remain on guard to make sure Iran  does not meddle in its affairs and topple the regime. Meanwhile, Iran's  regional allies -- like the Syrian regime and Hezbollah -- will try to  leverage the deal to increase their clout, relying on the increase in  military and monetary support from Teheran.
Decision-makers in  Washington, led by President Barack Obama, expect the nuclear deal to  defuse tensions in the region and help stabilize the war-torn region.  But the reality might be very different and may ultimately prove  challenging to the moderate Arab states. Likewise, Jerusalem may have to  face challenges unlike it has ever seen before. When all is said and  done, rather than extract itself form the region, the U.S. may be drawn  back. This time around, though, it may find itself knee-deep in the  region's affairs. 
Dr. Ofer Israeli is  a senior adviser on international strategy and teaches foreign policy  decision-making at the Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and  Strategy at the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya.
Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors.
 
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