by Sen. Lindsey Graham
U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham writes for Israel Hayom: Allowing this pariah nation to acquire nuclear weapons and the ability to deploy them -- and to share them with radical Islamist organizations -- would constitute an incalculable threat to the security of the U.S. and its allies.
Republican Senator Lindsey Graham
|
Photo credit: Photo credit: Lior Mizrahi  |
President Barack Obama reluctantly signed into
law the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act. He was forced to accept, by
overwhelming votes in both chambers, Congress' constitutional role in
reviewing any nuclear deal with Iran and the lifting of any
congressionally imposed sanctions.
Now the toughest work begins.
The U.S. and Israel both understand that the
Iranians, despite their repeated denials, continue to pursue a nuclear
weapons capability. We also both understand that Iran has a long and
troubled track record of sharing military technology with terrorist
organizations.
It's important that Obama now negotiate an
agreement that will permanently prevent an untrustworthy Iranian regime
from acquiring nuclear weapons -- or walk away. If he instead commits to
a plan that will lead to a nuclear Iran, it is imperative that Congress
stop it.
Iran is the greatest sponsor of terrorism in
the Middle East and the world. It sits at the nexus of nearly every
major global threat: the Syrian crisis, the rise of the Islamic State
group, the resurgence of al-Qaida, the crisis in Iraq that threatens
gains won with U.S. blood, the chaos in Yemen that is adding to the
threat of an all-out regional war and renewed weapons trade with
Russia's Vladimir Putin.
To allow this pariah nation to acquire nuclear
weapons and the ability to deploy them against us and our allies -- and
to share them with radical Islamist organizations -- would constitute
an incalculable threat to both our nations' security. It would set off a
nuclear arms race that would virtually guarantee a regional war with
global implications.
Alarmingly, our negotiators and the Iranians
have offered wildly differing interpretations of the negotiated
framework. On every principle, Iran insists it will never accept our
terms. Serious questions remain about how this deal can prevent a
nuclear Iran.
Will international sanctions be lifted before
proof that Iran is in compliance? How and when would sanctions be
restored if there are violations? Can we have an agreement in good faith
with a regime that for decades has lied and cheated and has never come
clean about its past efforts to weaponize nuclear technology? Will Iran
be required to demonstrate changed behavior with respect to its nuclear
ambitions and its sponsorship of terrorism?
I have brought forward eight principles to ensure we get the right answers and achieve a sound, enforceable deal:
• Iran must not be allowed an enrichment
capability greater than the practical needs to supply one commercial
reactor. The Iranians should have access to peaceful nuclear power, but
the infrastructure should be aligned to support the needs of a single
nuclear reactor.
• Closure of all hardened and formerly secret
sites. Iran must come clean on all outstanding issues raised by the
International Atomic Energy Agency, particularly concerning the possible
military dimensions of Iran's civilian nuclear program. The history of
Iran's nuclear program has been marked by deception. Sites like Fordo
have no role in an Iranian civilian program. Iran must account for the
full inventory of centrifuges, production facilities for components, the
total number of components, assembly workshops and storage depots for
centrifuges.
• Anytime, anywhere inspections of all Iranian
military and nonmilitary facilities. Iran shouldn't have veto power
over when inspectors visit its facilities, including the ability of
independent parties to monitor and report on Iran's compliance.
• Sanctions relief and access to funds
currently in escrow must be phased in and fully conditioned on IAEA
certification that Iran is in full compliance and has demonstrated
sustained compliance over time. Allowing Iran access to these tens of
billions of dollars in funds before it has fulfilled its portion of the
agreement is unacceptable.
• There must be an explicit process for the
"snapback" re-imposition of sanctions if Iran violates the deal. It took
years to impose the sanctions which brought Iran to the negotiating
table.
• Iran must not be allowed to conduct research
and development on advanced centrifuges. Mastery of this technology
will allow Iran to reduce its breakout time toward a nuclear weapon.
• Removal of all enriched uranium from Iran.
There is no need for Iran to possess a large stockpile of low enriched
uranium or any highly enriched uranium. With the exception of the small
amounts enriched to 3.5% that will be created as part of Iran's civilian
enrichment process, all enriched uranium must be shipped out of Iran.
• Certification by the president that, before
any restrictions on Iran's nuclear program are lifted, Iran has changed
its aggressive behavior in the region and no longer meets the
qualifications to be designated a state sponsor of terrorism.
These eight principles largely reflect Obama's
negotiating position at the start of the process (demonstrating how far
he has strayed from his original intentions). Adhering to these eight
principles will ensure that Iran never acquires nuclear weapons or has
the means to spread nuclear technology to radical Islamist groups.
They will protect our national security and
that of our close allies. Above all, they will reassert American
leadership in the Middle East and reassure our allies in the region.
Any deal that does not adhere to them will fail, with dire consequences for global security.
Sen. Lindsey Graham (Republican) is the senior U.S. senator from South Carolina.
Source: http://www.israelhayom.com/site/newsletter_article.php?id=25799
Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors.
No comments:
Post a Comment