by Mohamad Bazzi
The Arab League meeting capped a month in which the Middle East suddenly seemed to plunge toward a wider regional conflict.
On
 Nov. 19, Arab foreign ministers gathered in Cairo for an hourslong 
gripe session against Iran and its ally, Hezbollah. The Arab leaders 
accused Tehran and the Lebanese Shiite movement of destabilizing the 
Middle East, but they fell short of agreeing on concrete action.
The Arab League meeting capped a month in 
which the Middle East suddenly seemed to plunge toward a wider regional 
conflict. Saudi Arabia charged that a missile fired at its capital from 
Yemen on Nov. 4 was provided to Yemeni rebels by Iran and constituted 
"an act of war." Saudi leaders then pushed Lebanese Prime Minister Saad 
Hariri into a surprise resignation during a trip to Saudi Arabia as a 
way of exerting pressure on Iran and Hezbollah. "Wherever Iran is 
involved, there is nothing but devastation and chaos," Hariri said in 
his resignation speech on Nov. 4, which was broadcast from the Saudi 
capital, Riyadh. He added, "Iran's hands in the region will be cut off."
These actions underscore a newly aggressive
 Saudi foreign policy, led by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who is 
eager to challenge Iran more directly and has amassed tremendous power 
under the rule of his father, King Salman.
But forcing Hariri to resign and ratcheting
 up tensions with Iran over Yemen has backfired on the prince and his 
advisers. The lack of support from fellow Arab leaders for tougher 
action against Iran and Hezbollah shows that few Saudi allies are 
willing to confront Iran directly.
Saudi Arabia had invested years of 
political effort and tens of millions of dollars to support Hariri and 
his political movement in Lebanon, especially after the assassination of
 Hariri's father, Rafik, in February 2005. The elder Hariri had served 
as Lebanon's prime minister for more than a decade, and he became the 
country's most prominent Sunni leader and Saudi Arabia's most important 
Lebanese ally.
Saad Hariri took office in late 2016, 
forming a national unity government that included Hezbollah. The 
power-sharing agreement was approved by Iran and Saudi Arabia. But in 
recent months, Saudi leaders grew worried that Hariri, who has strong 
ties to Western and Sunni Arab leaders, was becoming a fig leaf for a 
government dominated by Hezbollah and its supporters, including Lebanese
 President Michel Aoun.
Saudi leaders thought that they would be 
able to push Hariri aside, withdraw political cover from Hezbollah, and 
make it easier for Sunni Arab states – along with the United States and 
Israel – to target the group. After an earlier round of sanctions, the 
U.S. Congress is considering a new sanctions bill targeting Hezbollah 
and its funders.
But after Hariri's sudden departure, 
Lebanese from all political factions rallied around him and insisted 
that his resignation was invalid because Saudi leaders coerced him. As 
international concern grew that Hariri was being held captive by his 
Saudi patrons, French President Emmanuel Macron invited him to Paris. 
Hariri met with Macron on Nov. 18 and returned to Lebanon for the 
country's Nov. 22 Independence Day celebrations.
Tensions have eased over the past week, and
 it's unlikely that the latest crisis will escalate into a military 
confrontation between Saudi Arabia and Iran. But while the prospect of 
direct clashes between the two regional rivals has eased, their ongoing 
proxy war is destabilizing the Middle East.
The two powers have backed competing 
factions in Iraq, Syria, Yemen and Lebanon since the United States 
invaded Iraq in 2003. While the conflict is partly rooted in the 
historical Sunni-Shiite split within Islam, it is mainly a struggle for 
regional political dominance between Shiite-led Iran and Sunni-led Saudi
 Arabia.
Their proxy battles, which now also involve
 other powers like Russia and the United States, are at the root of much
 of the death and destruction in the Middle East in recent years. They 
have cost hundreds of thousands of lives, especially in Syria, where 
more than 400,000 have been killed since the March 2011 uprising against
 the regime of President Bashar Assad, which is supported by Iran and 
Hezbollah. The Syrian war has also produced more than 5 million refugees
 whose search for sanctuary has triggered political crises in 
neighboring countries as well as Europe.
In January 2015, Saudi Arabia's King 
Abdullah died after 20 years in power. He was succeeded by his brother 
Salman, who quickly pursued a more aggressive foreign policy. Instead of
 relying on U.S. military intervention and battling Iran through 
surrogates and checkbook diplomacy, as his predecessor had done, the new
 king and his advisers launched a war against Houthi, mostly Shiite, 
rebels in Yemen in March 2015. As the war has dragged on, airstrikes by 
Saudi Arabia and its allies caused most of the estimated 10,000 civilian
 deaths.
Saudi Arabia is now bogged down in the 
Yemen conflict. Despite intensive airstrikes and a blockade, Riyadh and 
its allies still have not been able to dislodge the Houthis from Yemen's
 capital, Sanaa.
Yemen has become a central arena of the 
proxy battle, especially after Saudi Arabia's "act of war" accusation 
against Iran. The kingdom claimed that the ballistic missile it shot 
down on Nov. 4 en route to the Saudi capital had been smuggled into 
Yemen in parts. Saudi officials say members of Hezbollah and the Iranian
 Revolutionary Guard Corps assembled the missile and then helped Houthi 
rebels fire it from Yemeni territory. Iran and Hezbollah denied 
involvement in the missile launch.
Saudi leaders have since scaled back their 
efforts to declare Lebanon a hostile state. Already overstretched by 
Yemen and embroiled in a diplomatic crisis with Qatar, the kingdom 
cannot effectively challenge Hezbollah, Iran's main ally in Lebanon, 
without assembling a broader Arab and international coalition. But this 
is still a dangerous moment in the Middle East. As long as Iran and 
Saudi Arabia view their rivalry as a zero-sum game – where one can only 
gain at the expense of the other – there is a risk of miscalculation 
that spirals out of control.
Mohamad Bazzi is a journalism professor at New York University and former Middle East bureau chief at Newsday.
Mohamad Bazzi
Source: http://www.israelhayom.com/opinions/how-saudi-arabia-overreached-on-iran-lebanon/
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