Thursday, November 12, 2026

Democrats did it for Biden. Now Trump wants the same lame-duck judicial blitz - Amanda Head

 

by Amanda Head

With fewer than 60 days remaining until Democrats take control of Congress, outstanding judicial appointments may be treated to a blitz of confirmations. There is plenty of precedent for that kind of appointment-clearing spree.

 

Two years after Democrats raced to confirm Joe Biden's judges before losing the Senate, President Donald Trump is pressing Republicans to run the same play before Democrats take the gavel in January.

The president made the stakes plain in a recent social media post, saying: "Very important for the US Senate to confirm all of our pending 161 Nominations, including 25 Federal Judges. Thank you for your attention to this matter! President DONALD J. TRUMP." 

Senate Republicans appear to be listening. Current Majority Leader John Thune, R- S.D., and the GOP conference agreed on a resolution to maximize their remaining 54 days in power. As of Wednesday, 24 of Trump's judicial nominations were pending in the Senate, according to Iowa Sen. Chuck Grassley's Judiciary Committee, which says it has moved at the fastest pace since the Reagan administration.

Democrats, meanwhile, are signaling they intend to slam the window shut. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., the current Senate Minority Leader, told The Associated Press that Democrats will not fill the bench with "crappy nominees."

How Trump's record stacks up against modern presidents

Trump's first-term record remains one of the most judicially consequential in modern history. 

His first-term total of 234 judges trails Barack Obama's 329 and George W. Bush's 340 judges successfully nominated and confirmed to the federal bench, but both of those presidents had eight years to reach their numbers, and Trump did it in four.

That first-term haul included 54 judges on the 13 federal appellate courts, one step below the Supreme Court, along with three high court justices.

Joe Biden edged past that mark only at the very end of his term. The Senate confirmed his 235th judicial nominee, surpassing the record of 234 confirmed during Trump's first term, according to The Hill.

In his second term, the Senate has confirmed 57 Trump judges, including 10 appeals court judges, 46 district judges and one member of the Court of International Trade. That pace is slower, partly because Trump has had comparatively few vacancies to fill in his second term, according to a Pew Research analysis. Even so, Trump nominees make up about one-third of active federal judges, CBS News reported.

Both parties have run this play before

The lame-duck judicial sprint is hardly a Trump invention. Two years ago, Democrats did the same thing for Biden. As Senate Democrats worked to push through Biden's remaining nominees before he left office and control of the chamber flipped, then-Minority Whip Thune pushed back. "If Sen. Schumer thought Senate Republicans would just roll over and allow him to quickly confirm multiple Biden-appointed judges to lifetime jobs in the final weeks of the Democrat majority, he thought wrong," Thune said at the time, according to CBS News.

The parties eventually struck a deal. An agreement between Senate Republicans and Democrats gave Biden the chance to outdo Trump's 234 confirmations, a race Biden ultimately won by a single judge, the Associated Press reported.

Republican allies outside Washington are now demanding the same urgency. "Every single federal judicial vacancy needs to be filled in the lame duck session," Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis posted on X. "The Senate should pull all-nighters for as long as it takes."

What comes next

The Judiciary Committee already voted to advance four of the president's U.S. District Court candidates and held confirmation hearings for four other judicial nominees Tuesday, and it is expected to hold more hearings next week, breaking from its usual every-other-week schedule.

The math is still daunting. There are currently 28 vacancies on the federal courts and another 15 seats that will open in the coming weeks and months. The confirmations also have to compete for floor time with a crowded year-end agenda. Other high-priority items punted to the lame duck body include the National Defense Authorization Act, a bipartisan permitting reform package and keeping the government funded.

Whatever the Senate finishes by January could be the last word for a while. Once Democrats take control, Trump could struggle to secure another judicial confirmation.


Amanda Head
is White House Correspondent for Just the News. You can follow her here.

Source: https://justthenews.com/government/white-house/democrats-did-it-biden-now-trump-wants-same-lame-duck-judicial-blitz

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Trump Says U.S. Will End $4 Billion in Aid to Israel. Could Egypt and Jordan Pay the Price? - Amine Ayoub

 

by Amine Ayoub

It Could Weaken the Political Foundations of the Wider American Security Architecture That Has Helped Preserve Israel’s Peace with Its Arab Neighbors

 

U.S. President Donald Trump departs from Joint Base Andrews on October 21, 2026.

U.S. President Donald Trump departs from Joint Base Andrews on October 21, 2026.Official White House Photo by Joyce N. Boghosian

On November 3, 2026, a decades-old pillar of American foreign policy was shaken on live television. President Donald Trump said Washington would stop paying Israel roughly $4 billion annually after this year, a figure broadly matching the $3.8 billion military package under the existing memorandum of understanding. Trump said he and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had agreed months earlier to end the payments. Netanyahu had separately proposed phasing out American military aid over a decade, not immediately. The memorandum runs through September 2028, and Trump offered no details on how funding would stop early.

The 1978 Camp David Accords and the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty established the foundations of a US-backed regional security order.

Trump said Washington would continue selling military equipment to Israel, shifting the question to who will finance purchases already planned. A State Department document reviewed by The Wall Street Journal indicated that Israel would need approximately $10 billion after 2028 to cover American weapons orders outstanding as of April 1, 2026. The figure may have changed since April. Ending annual grants would not immediately sever the financial and industrial commitments linking the two countries.

The current memorandum provides $3.3 billion annually in Foreign Military Financing and $500 million for cooperative missile-defense programs. Most FMF finances purchases from American defense contractors. A declining offshore procurement allowance for Israeli-origin equipment is due to reach zero in FY2028. The arrangement supports American manufacturers and gives Washington influence over procurement and supply chains.

The 1978 Camp David Accords and the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty established the foundations of a US-backed regional security order. The 1994 Israel-Jordan peace treaty added another strategic dimension to Washington’s relationship with Israel’s eastern neighbor. The partnerships have separate legal and budgetary frameworks but remain interlocking parts of Washington’s regional strategy.

The regional security architecture on Israel’s borders

The three assistance relationships are legally separate. Ending Israeli military aid would not automatically terminate funding for Cairo or Amman, but the relationships are politically connected. The Congressional Research Service has noted that US assistance to the three countries has facilitated military cooperation, and that Arab governments at peace with Israel could find it harder to defend continued American grants if Washington phases out aid to Israel. The consequence would not be an automatic financial domino, but a weaker political case for treating the commitments as one regional strategy.

Ending Israeli military aid would not automatically terminate funding for Cairo or Amman, but the relationships are politically connected.

Israel receives $3.3 billion in annual FMF and $500 million for missile defense under the current memorandum. Egypt receives $1.375 billion in FMF under the FY2026 appropriations framework. The legislation withholds $320 million unless the secretary of state makes specified human-rights-related determinations, although a national-security waiver is available. The US-Jordan memorandum commits Washington to seek $1.45 billion in annual economic and military assistance for FY2023 through FY2029, subject to congressional appropriations. Congress can appropriate more or less.

Congressional support for Jordan remains strong, but it is not automatic. The FY2026 appropriations law provided a record $2.1 billion in bilateral aid to the kingdom, 44 percent above the memorandum’s annual benchmark. In July 2026, the House rejected by 421 votes to 6 an amendment that would have eliminated the proposed $2.1 billion in FY2027 assistance. The vote shows bipartisan support, but future budget fights remain uncertain.

The fragile buffers on Israel’s longest borders

Israel has greater economic capacity to absorb a change in American financing than Egypt or Jordan. Its 2025 nominal GDP reached approximately $610.8 billion, making the $3.8 billion annual package 0.6 percent of economic output. That comparison understates the operational importance of the grants, concentrated in military procurement and missile-defense cooperation. Replacing them would require difficult choices involving procurement, readiness, domestic production, and other national priorities. Wartime spending has also narrowed Israel’s fiscal room.

Jordan’s fiscal room is narrower. The United States appropriated $2.1 billion in bilateral assistance to Jordan in FY2026. Direct budget support of $845.1 million annually helped finance the kingdom’s national budget and represented nearly 6 percent of government revenue in 2025, according to the Congressional Research Service. Jordan also relies on American training, equipment, and border-security cooperation. A substantial reduction could intensify pressure from debt, unemployment, water scarcity, and regional instability.

But replacing decades of American equipment, maintenance, training, and interoperability would take years. The immediate risk is not an Egyptian break with Washington, but a gradual loss of leverage for Cairo’s principal military supplier.

For Israel, the concern is not an immediate end to Jordanian security cooperation. A financially weaker kingdom could have fewer resources for border protection, intelligence coordination, and efforts to disrupt weapons-smuggling networks. Iran-linked networks have sought routes through Jordan toward the West Bank. Any deterioration in Jordan’s capacity to police its territory could create an additional security problem along Israel’s long eastern frontier.

Egypt faces different pressures. Its population is approximately 110 million, and the International Monetary Fund projects general-government gross debt at 84 percent of GDP in 2026. Washington has traditionally justified military assistance to Cairo as an investment in regional stability, cooperation with the Egyptian military, and preservation of the 1979 peace treaty with Israel. The aid also directs Egyptian military procurement toward American weapons and services, supporting US defense companies.

A weaker American commitment could encourage Cairo to diversify suppliers and financing partners. China and Russia could seek openings where American conditions, congressional delays, or delivery schedules frustrate Egyptian procurement. But replacing decades of American equipment, maintenance, training, and interoperability would take years. The immediate risk is not an Egyptian break with Washington, but a gradual loss of leverage for Cairo’s principal military supplier.

The 2025 Rescissions Act showed how foreign aid can become part of Washington’s domestic battles. The original White House proposal sought to rescind $9.4 billion in unobligated funding, but the enacted law protected unobligated Economic Support Fund balances for Egypt and Jordan.

Shaking the Gulf and redefining American leverage

For Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Bahrain, Trump’s announcement raises questions about American commitments when domestic politics change. Gulf governments have long diversified defense procurement. In December 2021, the UAE signed a contract for 80 French Rafale fighters to replace its Mirage fleet. Eleven days later, it suspended F-35 discussions, citing technical requirements, sovereign operating restrictions, and cost-benefit concerns. Emirati officials stressed that the Rafale complemented, rather than replaced, the F-35 discussions.

The $3.8 billion is the visible figure. The less visible cost could be the erosion of American influence built through decades of security cooperation.

Inside Israel, ending grants would accelerate the shift to nationally financed procurement. Separately, the current memorandum phases out the offshore procurement allowance, which lets Israel spend part of its FMF on Israeli-origin equipment, by FY2028. But financing more purchases nationally would not make Israel independent of American technology. Its military remains reliant on US-made aircraft, components, maintenance, and advanced systems, including the F-35. Washington would retain leverage through sales approvals, export controls, spare parts, and the supply chains needed to keep American platforms operational.

The Biden administration’s May 2024 pause on one shipment of 1,800 2,000-pound bombs and 1,700 500-pound bombs over Rafah concerns illustrated another form of leverage. It was not a suspension of military aid. Even if Israel pays for more equipment itself, arms sales and technology transfers remain subject to American law and policy.

The cost of walking away

Washington may calculate that ending military assistance saves taxpayers billions while asking a wealthy ally to assume more responsibility for its own defense. That calculation captures the budgetary saving, but not the full strategic cost. Aid has supported defense-industrial ties, technology cooperation, interoperability, and political influence while binding Israeli procurement to American suppliers.

Israel can finance more of its defense needs, but the transition will take years and compete with other priorities. Egypt and Jordan will not automatically lose their aid or abandon their American partnerships. The danger is more gradual: as the political logic connecting these relationships weakens, Washington may find it harder to sustain the regional architecture that has helped secure two of Israel’s borders.

The $3.8 billion is the visible figure. The less visible cost could be the erosion of American influence built through decades of security cooperation. Ending the assistance may prove easier than rebuilding the strategic relationships that came with it.

Published originally on October 6, 2026.


Amine Ayoub is a policy analyst and writer based in Morocco. His media contributions appeared in The Jerusalem Post, Yedioth Ahronoth , Arutz Sheva ,The Times of Israel and many others. His writings focus on Islamism, jihad, Israel and MENA politics. He tweets at @amineayoubx.

Source: https://www.meforum.org/mef-online/trump-says-u-s-will-end-4-billion-in-aid-to-israel-could-egypt-and-jordan-pay-the-price

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Both parties divided over data center grid bill which faces lame-duck Senate floor fight - Alton Wallace

 

by Alton Wallace

Bipartisan legislation supporters say will shield households from data center grid upgrade costs is dividing lawmakers of both parties after advancing in the U.S. Senate during this week's lame-duck session.

 

(The Center Square) -

Bipartisan legislation supporters say will shield households from data center grid upgrade costs is dividing lawmakers of both parties after advancing in the U.S. Senate during this week's lame-duck session.

U.S. House Energy and Commerce Committee Chair Brett Guthrie, R-Ky., said in a news briefing Tuesday he wants changes to the bill’s grid reliability rules – provisions intended to prevent blackouts and keep power plants running.

Meanwhile, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto, D-Nev., who both voted to advance the measure, are demanding floor amendments preserving tribal reviews of historic and sacred sites before final passage.

The Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act, known as BAAJA, is moving later this week to Senate floor debate. The bill, authored by Sens. Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.Va., Sheldon Whitehouse, D-R.I., Martin Heinrich, D-N.M., and Mike Lee, R-Utah, advanced late Monday in a 73-25 vote.

"BAAJA is a major win for the American people and central to lowering costs and getting our country back to building," Capito, chair of the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee, said in a statement after the vote.

According to a November 2026 study by Grid Strategies, a Bethesda, Maryland-based power sector consulting firm, the proposed changes to transmission pricing would result in data center operators paying roughly $55 billion to local utilities over the next decade – about $35 billion more than they would pay under current federal policy. The bill's supporters say those extra collections would prevent utilities from passing billions of dollars in grid upgrade costs onto residential and business customers.

Sen. Jeff Merkley, D-Ore., who voted against advancing the measure on Monday, said in a statement that cleaner, cheaper renewable energy will reduce energy costs for ordinary Americans and enhance the nation’s competitive status globally.

“Robust consideration of the bill should be a priority in the new Congress,” wrote Merkley, who noted he has many concerns. “The bill restricts states’ ability to raise and address clean water concerns on gas pipelines as well as transmission lines. It shortens timelines that make it hard-to-impossible for grassroots and community groups to raise concerns about projects,” wrote Merkley.

Democratic Sens. Whitehouse and Heinrich, two of the bill’s lead authors, pushed back on Merkley’s criticism, arguing the bill's transmission permitting reforms will unlock stalled wind, solar and battery storage projects across the country. Whitehouse has criticized the Trump administration over the last year for forcing clean energy projects to “sit on the sidelines.”

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y. – expected to become House speaker in January after Democrats won congressional majorities in last week's midterm elections – signaled resistance to the bill in its current form.

Jeffries said in a statement last week that the legislation "falls short in several areas," including environmental review changes and tribal sovereignty protections. Jeffries will not "rubber-stamp legislation that emerges from the Senate without more constructive involvement with our caucus," according to the statement.

Sen. Mike Rounds, R-S.D. – the lone GOP senator to vote against advancing the bill Monday – objected to provisions in the text allowing federal regulators to take over approval of contested transmission lines if states do not act within 12 months.

"South Dakota landowners deserve to negotiate with stakeholders at the state and local level before federal intervention is required," Rounds said in a statement after the vote. 


Alton Wallace

Source: https://justthenews.com/nation/states/center-square/data-center-grid-bill-faces-lame-duck-senate-floor-fight

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Can Netanyahu launch another war against Iran while leading a caretaker government? - explainer - Idan Kweller

 

by Idan Kweller

As Eisenkot works to form a government, Netanyahu retains the power to act against Iran. But Israeli law raises questions about launching a new war under a caretaker government.

 

Yashar head Gadi Eisenkot seen behind Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as party leaders pose for a group picture in the Knesset, in Jerusalem, November 10, 2026
Yashar head Gadi Eisenkot seen behind Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as party leaders pose for a group picture in the Knesset, in Jerusalem, November 10, 2026
(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)

 

President Isaac Herzog has tasked Gadi Eisenkot with forming Israel's next government, but Benjamin Netanyahu remains prime minister, retaining the powers of his office, overseeing the defense establishment, and directing Israeli policy toward Iran.

The unusual political situation following the elections raises questions not only about who will succeed in forming a government, but also about who has the authority to make what could be the most consequential decision of this period: renewing Israel's military offensive against Iran, a move that could trigger another regional war.

Netanyahu's position as head of a caretaker government might appear to limit his ability to make far-reaching decisions. However, an examination of Basic Law: The Government, along with Israel's legal and military precedents, presents a more complex picture.

A caretaker government is not legally barred from going to war, and previous caretaker governments have overseen major military operations. The central questions are what circumstances justify such action, how the decision must be made, and whether an urgent security threat makes postponement impossible.

The issue has become particularly significant amid an emerging divide between Jerusalem and Washington.

Iranians take part in a military course for volunteers at 'Janfada' (Sacrifice for the Homeland) training camp set up for women at the Azadi Square in Tehran, Iran, November 10, 2026
Iranians take part in a military course for volunteers at 'Janfada' (Sacrifice for the Homeland) training camp set up for women at the Azadi Square in Tehran, Iran, November 10, 2026 (credit: ATTA KENARE/AFP via Getty Images)

US President Donald Trump, who previously supported extensive military action against Iran, has said in recent days that he sees no need to resume strikes at this stage. His administration is pursuing a possible agreement with Tehran, while Netanyahu maintains that overthrowing the ayatollahs' regime is the only way to permanently eliminate the Iranian threat.

Trump seeks an agreement, Netanyahu calls for regime change

In an interview with CBS's 60 Minutes broadcast earlier this week, Trump was asked whether he intended to escalate the war against Iran following the US midterm elections. He said he had no desire to do so and saw no reason to escalate further.

Later, during a meeting with Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani at the White House, Trump reiterated that additional military action did not appear necessary at this stage.

The president noted that Iran was engaged in talks with the United States and expressed hope that an agreement could be reached. He stressed, however, that the US military remained prepared to act if circumstances changed.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio has adopted a similar position, arguing that the economic pressure Washington is exerting on Iran through sanctions and a naval blockade has been so effective and damaging that further military strikes are currently unnecessary.

Rubio predicted that the effects of this pressure on the Iranian regime would become clearer in the coming weeks and months.

Nevertheless, he acknowledged that a breakthrough in negotiations was not imminent, partly because of Iranian demands that Washington considers unacceptable. The military option, therefore, remains on the table.

Meanwhile, Vice President JD Vance has emerged as a central figure in efforts to secure a diplomatic agreement.

Over the past two weeks, Vance has been personally involved in indirect contacts with Iran, speaking almost daily with the Qatari prime minister, Pakistan's army chief, and other mediators.

The administration is also considering direct talks between US and Iranian officials at the working level, as well as a possible meeting between Vance and senior Iranian officials.

Netanyahu, by contrast, continues to advocate a much tougher approach.

In his address to the Knesset on Wednesday, he called for the formation of a national unity government in response to the renewed Iranian threat, arguing that the only way to eliminate it permanently is to overthrow the ayatollahs' regime.

He also warned that the international community could come to accept a resumption of Iran's nuclear program.

Netanyahu and US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth are among those who favor renewed military operations against Iran, while Vance and US envoy Steve Witkoff prefer to explore the possibility of reaching an agreement.

The Financial Times reported that Arab leaders are concerned Netanyahu is pressuring Trump to resume the military campaign.

A source familiar with the discussions claimed that Netanyahu speaks frequently with the US president and has repeatedly urged him to launch another strike.

However, a source familiar with the situation in Israel offered a different assessment, saying that although Netanyahu favors renewed military action, there is currently little indication of a concerted effort to persuade Trump to pursue it.

These reports do not establish that Netanyahu has decided to launch another offensive, but they illustrate the disagreements over how the confrontation with Iran should be brought to an end.

Security cabinet has not met for more than a month

The possibility of renewed military action has also raised questions about the functioning of Israel's security cabinet.

The cabinet is expected to convene this coming Sunday, November 15, for the first time in more than a month. Its last meeting took place on October 5, before the Knesset elections.

Meanwhile, the defense establishment has been instructed to increase its readiness for a possible strike on Iran, even though the security cabinet has not convened during this period.

This does not mean that a new decision to go to war has been made. It does, however, raise questions about which forums are conducting security discussions and how decisions are being made while the government serves in a caretaker capacity.

Faction leaders pose for a group photo following the swearing-in of the 26th Knesset at the Knesset in Jerusalem, November 10, 2026.
Faction leaders pose for a group photo following the swearing-in of the 26th Knesset at the Knesset in Jerusalem, November 10, 2026. (credit: CHAIM GOLDBERG/FLASH90)

Can a caretaker government launch a war under Israeli law?

The central legal provision governing this question is Section 40 of Basic Law: The Government.

The section stipulates that Israel may not initiate a war or undertake significant military action likely to lead to war with a probability approaching certainty without a government decision.

The law also allows the government to delegate this authority to the Ministerial Committee on National Security Affairs, commonly known as the security cabinet, when the prime minister determines that doing so is necessary for reasons of national security, foreign relations, or secrecy.

The provision also clarifies that these restrictions do not prevent other military actions required to defend the state and protect public security.

But how do these rules apply to a caretaker government?

Section 40 makes no distinction between a regular government and a caretaker government. Furthermore, Section 30 of the Basic Law stipulates that an outgoing government continues to perform its duties until a new government is formed.

This means Netanyahu and his ministers retain their executive powers despite the election results and Herzog's decision to task Eisenkot with forming the next government.

Nevertheless, those powers are not unlimited.

Supreme Court rulings have established that an outgoing government must exercise restraint and act reasonably and proportionately, taking into account the change in its democratic legitimacy.

The more urgent the public need for action, the less restrictive the obligation to exercise restraint may become. In the face of an immediate security threat, a caretaker government retains considerable freedom to act.

However, a more difficult legal and public question arises when the government considers initiating a military operation that could be postponed without compromising operational objectives.

Another important distinction concerns the prime minister's personal authority.

The prime minister cannot independently authorize every decision to launch a war. If a proposed military operation falls under Section 40(a), it requires either a government decision or a decision by the security cabinet acting under authority lawfully delegated to it.

Olmert, Netanyahu, and Lapid: Previous caretaker governments have launched military operations

Israeli history offers several significant precedents for military action under caretaker governments.

In December 2008, then-prime minister Ehud Olmert headed a caretaker government following his resignation and the failure to form an alternative coalition.

During that period, Israel launched Operation Cast Lead in the Gaza Strip, following sustained rocket fire against southern Israeli communities. The operation developed into a military campaign that lasted approximately three weeks.

A second precedent came in May 2021, following elections to the 24th Knesset, while negotiations to form a new government were still underway.

Netanyahu himself was serving as caretaker prime minister when Israel launched Operation Guardian of the Walls.

The fighting began after Hamas fired rockets toward Jerusalem and other parts of Israel. The government responded with extensive strikes in the Gaza Strip, and the campaign lasted 11 days.

This precedent is particularly relevant because it demonstrates that a caretaker government can oversee a major military campaign.

However, Operation Guardian of the Walls was launched in response to rocket attacks, rather than as a preemptive decision to begin a new war against another country.

Another example came in August 2022, when caretaker prime minister Yair Lapid and defense minister Benny Gantz led Operation Breaking Dawn against Palestinian Islamic Jihad in the Gaza Strip.

Unlike Guardian of the Walls, Breaking Dawn began with an Israeli-initiated strike, opening with the killing of a senior Palestinian Islamic Jihad commander following security warnings.

The security cabinet was not convened before the operation because Attorney-General Gali Baharav-Miara accepted the assessment of security officials that the operation was not expected to lead to war with a probability approaching certainty.

Together, these three cases demonstrate that caretaker governments are not prevented from using military force. They also underscore the importance of distinguishing between a response to an immediate threat, a limited military operation, and the initiation of a broader war.

A renewed war against Iran, particularly one intended to overthrow the regime in Tehran, could differ substantially from these precedents in both scope and consequences.

Yashar head Gadi Eisenkot and UTJ head Yakov Asher shake hands as party leaders pose for a group picture in the Knesset, in Jerusalem, November 10, 2026
Yashar head Gadi Eisenkot and UTJ head Yakov Asher shake hands as party leaders pose for a group picture in the Knesset, in Jerusalem, November 10, 2026 (credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)

Eisenkot warns Netanyahu against decisions that can be postponed

The debate took on a direct political and legal dimension on Wednesday night when Eisenkot sent Netanyahu a letter demanding restraint in security decisions during the caretaker period.

Eisenkot reminded Netanyahu that Herzog had tasked him with forming the next government after receiving recommendations from 67 Knesset members, compared with 46 who recommended Netanyahu.

Although those recommendations do not guarantee that Eisenkot will succeed in forming a coalition, they reflect a significant shift in the political balance of power.

Eisenkot warned against deploying security forces in the absence of a direct and immediate threat that cannot be postponed, arguing that such action could damage Israeli democracy and undermine public confidence in state institutions.

He called on Netanyahu to refrain from dangerous moves that could be delayed until a new government is sworn in and warned against placing senior defense officials in a position where they could face a constitutional conflict.

Eisenkot separately approached Baharav-Miara, asking her to examine the caretaker government's powers and ensure that he receives regular security briefings in light of his mandate to form the next government.

The Prime Minister's Office strongly rejected Eisenkot's claims.

In its response, the office said that all decisions made by the Netanyahu-led government were based exclusively on security considerations and had been fully coordinated with the defense establishment.

It accused Eisenkot of attempting to introduce political considerations into security discussions and renewed its call for him to join a national unity government.

The central question: An immediate threat or a war that can be avoided?

The situation also presents a diplomatic paradox.

While Netanyahu emphasizes the need to complete the military campaign against Iran and overthrow the regime, Trump has argued that renewed strikes are not currently necessary.

At the same time, the US president has not adopted an unequivocal position that the campaign must end at any cost.

Speaking at a Veterans Day ceremony at Arlington National Cemetery on Wednesday, Trump said the United States wanted a complete victory over Iran, rather than a 93% victory, and added that the confrontation would end soon.

The military option therefore remains available to both Israel and the United States.

For Netanyahu, the question surrounding any further major military operation against Iran is not simply whether Israel has the operational capability to carry it out, but whether sufficient security and legal grounds exist to justify such an operation while his government is serving in a caretaker capacity.

Netanyahu continues to exercise the powers of prime minister, while Eisenkot holds the mandate to form the next government.

Neither, however, knows what the next coalition will look like or when it will be sworn in.

Under these circumstances, the distinction between a military operation intended to prevent an immediate threat and a broader initiative to reshape the regional order could become the decisive issue.

Israeli law does not prohibit a caretaker government from going to war. But because it grants such a government extensive authority, it is all the more important that any decision to launch a war follows proper procedures, rests on a clear security justification, and considers its potential consequences for Israel and the wider region. 


Idan Kweller

Source: https://www.jpost.com/israel-election-2026/article-914655

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Neocons, Neocons, Neocons! - Victor Davis Hanson

 

by Victor Davis Hanson

The MAGA divide over Iran isn’t a neoconservative revival but a clash between Jacksonian interventionists and isolationists, with accusations of neocon influence obscuring the real debate.

 

 

After the midterm wipeout, divisive blame-gaming erupted on the Right. One particularly bitter divide was over supposed “neocon” interventionism and the Iran war.

But who are—or were—the neocons, and what is neoconservatism?

The word, clearly, means “new conservatives.”

It was first used to characterize former liberals and Democrats in the 1970s who were turned off by their erstwhile party’s soft-on-crime domestic policies and especially by its cheery notion that we no longer needed to fear Soviet communism. They were even more appalled by Jimmy Carter’s paralytic reaction to Iran’s hostage-taking.

In reaction, a number of public intellectuals and officials—such as Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz, James Q. Wilson, Bill Bennett, and Jeane Kirkpatrick—began supporting Ronald Reagan’s “we win, and they lose” approach to the Cold War and the military buildup needed to restore deterrence.

The neoconservative movement’s post-Cold War agenda was set in 1997 with the creation of the ill-fated, interventionist Project for the New American Century.

The group was headed by Bill Kristol and Robert Kagan (both now liberals) and joined, in varying degrees, by a diverse group that included Dick Cheney, Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz, Donald Rumsfeld, John Bolton, Francis Fukuyama, and a host of others.

They called for isolating and, in some cases, removing illiberal regimes that posed long-term threats to US interests, whether in the Middle East, Asia, or the Western Hemisphere. That agenda remained largely theoretical—until the 9/11 catastrophe.

But after that horrific attack, neocons supported removing the terrorist-backed Taliban in Afghanistan and the Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein and establishing pro-American, consensual governments in their place. The public agreed—initially.

The two long, costly wars that followed—one ultimately a humiliating failure in Afghanistan, the other at best a mixed bag in Iraq—largely brought formal neoconservatism to an end.

In reaction, Donald Trump’s MAGA movement promised to avoid so-called forever wars and costly efforts to implant democracies in otherwise alien societies, especially in the Middle East.

Yet Trump was no isolationist; he is instead what many have called a “Jacksonian.”

He embraced the Reaganite idea of limited, one-off preemptive strikes that did not usually involve ground troops, high costs in blood and treasure, or lengthy engagements.

In his first term, he eliminated terrorists such as Soleimani and al-Baghdadi, destroyed the ISIS caliphate, and killed numerous Wagner Group mercenaries. In his second term, he arrested Nicolás Maduro, the communist dictator of Venezuela.

Critics of the current Iran war claim that Trump was captured by so-called neoconservatives—a term they use as a euphemism for a purported malign Jewish lobby that supposedly promotes Israel’s interests over those of the United States.

But those in the Trump administration who supported eliminating the Iranian nuclear threat did so on the Jacksonian assumption that there would be no ground troops, no nation-building, and no costly effort to establish a new regime.

Instead, in the spirit of his first term, Trump sought to end a growing threat with air power and without incurring substantial losses—an approach far removed from traditional neoconservative nation-building.

In truth, there are few, if any, neoconservatives left in the MAGA Republican Party.

Many neoconservatives of decades past retained their liberal views on immigration and abortion. That may be why, after Trump’s 2016 campaign and election, almost all the remaining neoconservatives renounced him. Many of those associated with The Bulwark and others are now proud leftists.

So the current divide is really between Jacksonians and isolationists within the MAGA movement.

Both sides otherwise agree on much of the MAGA agenda—the border, illegal immigration, crime, energy, DEI, defense, and the trans issue—and on almost everything except the current war and support for Israel.

The Jacksonians think the administration’s mistake in the Iran war was not just failing to win quickly but stopping the bombing on day 38, before the nuclear and terrorist threats had been fully eliminated.

Adding insult to injury were the next seven months of endless talks with an Iranian theocracy that had no record of negotiating in good faith.

The isolationists counter that the disaster lay in going to war with Iran at all. They insist that the potential nuclearization of Iran never posed an existential threat to the United States.

So what exactly does the “neocon” smear usually mean these days?

It has become an indirect way for many isolationists to claim that Jews and their Zionist allies have hijacked the Trump administration, betrayed America First, and turned the administration into a tool of Israel.

These accusations are false. Democratic Israel receives 0.05 percent of the federal budget and only 7 percent of annual foreign aid. And even that will end by 2027.

A final irony?

Some who scream “neocon” loudest are more often sympathetic to the anti-Israel, Islamist, and statist base of the new Democratic Party than to the Jacksonian MAGA conservatives they attack from the Right. 


Victor Davis Hanson is a distinguished fellow of the Center for American Greatness and the Martin and Illie Anderson Senior Fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution. He is an American military historian, columnist, a former classics professor, and scholar of ancient warfare. He has been a visiting professor at Hillsdale College since 2004, and is the 2023 Giles O'Malley Distinguished Visiting Professor at the School of Public Policy, Pepperdine University. Hanson was awarded the National Humanities Medal in 2007 by President George W. Bush, and the Bradley Prize in 2008. Hanson is also a farmer (growing almonds on a family farm in Selma, California) and a critic of social trends related to farming and agrarianism. He is the author of the just released New York Times best seller, The End of Everything: How Wars Descend into Annihilation, published by Basic Books on May 7, 2024, as well as the recent  The Second World Wars: How the First Global Conflict Was Fought and Won, The Case for Trump, and The Dying Citizen.

Source: https://amgreatness.com/2026/11/12/neocons-neocons-neocons/

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Why Walking Away From Israel Invites Nuclear War - Michael Rubin

 

by Michael Rubin

Israel Recognizes It Faces an Existential Crisis

 

If the world abandons Israel, stripping away conventional means to defend itself, it forces a choice: suicide or nuclear defense. If Israel feels its back against the wall, it could conceivably use nuclear weapons.

If the world abandons Israel, stripping away conventional means to defend itself, it forces a choice: suicide or nuclear defense. If Israel feels its back against the wall, it could conceivably use nuclear weapons.Shutterstock

 

It is not difficult for strategists in Israel or Iran to read the tea leaves. Democrats made AIPAC a boogeyman in their campaign, playing to growing progressive antagonism to Israel. “I’d also like to see us stop selling weaponry that gets used to do the worst things, including genocide and apartheid, to Israel,” Senator-elect Abdul el-Sayyed said. Rep. Maggie Goodlander, a former staffer for the late Senator Joe Lieberman (I-Conn) and the wife of President Joe Biden’s National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, voted in July to cut off assistance to Israel to punish the Jewish state for its campaign against Hamas in Gaza. Jon Finer, Sullivan’s principal deputy, who also aspires to be a National Security Advisor in a new Democratic administration, went further by openly flirting with the Boycott, Divest, and Sanctions movement.

AIPAC meanwhile has become a litmus test for Democrats. California Governor Gavin Newsom, a presidential hopeful, brags he “never [has] and never will” take AIPAC money. Senators Cory Booker (D-NJ) and Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) said they had sworn off AIPAC money.

The Roots of Democratic Anger

Netanyahu’s warm photo-ops with Republicans after Obama’s loss left many Democrats believing Netanyahu was spiking the football at their expense.

Democrats may be angry at Israel. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu upset President Barack Obama and many alumni of his regime with his opposition to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the 2015 Iran nuclear deal. It was reminiscent of the October 1994 incident when South Korean President Kim Young-sam criticized President Bill Clinton’s nuclear dealing with North Korea in a New York Times interview, sparking Clinton fury at Kim’s supposed lack of gratitude and respect. For a time, Clinton’s team treated South Korea, a democratic ally, worse than they did North Korea, the target of their ingratiation campaign. Still, almost every prediction South Korea made about North Korean insincerity and nuclear cheating came true.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s embrace of President Donald Trump made Netanyahu an even greater lightning rod, however. Netanyahu’s warm photo-ops with Republicans after Obama’s loss left many Democrats believing Netanyahu was spiking the football at their expense.

The Republican Blame Game

A growing segment of the Republican Party, meanwhile, also blames Israel. In a lengthy tweet, Vice President JD Vance pinned Republican losses squarely on Israel. “The real reason we lost is obvious to almost everyone,” he wrote. “The reason we lost is the war,” he explained, after pointing out polls demanding Americans want politicians to “Put America First” and “Change our relationship to Israel.”

Vance refused to acknowledge both that the Republicans ran lousy candidates, many of whom Vance himself handpicked. In his home state, Ohio, Vance had no coat tails; he himself was toxic. Nor does the blame-Israel-for-inflation crowd consider that tariffs explain inflation far more than support for Israel does. Still, the Republican loss will empower Republican and conservative pundits and commentators like Tucker Carlson, Candace Owens, and Megyn Kelly who, in recent years, have strayed into the realm of antisemitic conspiracy.

Why the Abandonment Logic Fails

The analysis blaming Israel is weak on its merits, but the logic underpinning the idea that peeling away from the partnership with Israel will bring peace or improve the U.S. economy is flawed.

Like or dislike Trump, the president is right to observe that Iran prepared for its campaign long before he engaged Tehran militarily.

Like or dislike Trump, the president is right to observe that Iran prepared for its campaign long before he engaged Tehran militarily. On March 12, 2026, for example, he explained, “And we’re doing what has to be done. It should have been done over a 47-year period. Could have been done by a lot of different people. They chose not to do it.” Just a few weeks before the elections, he repeated the argument. “This should have been done a long time ago by other presidents, the Iran war. And we’ve knocked the hell out of them. And we may do it a little bit further,” he told a press gaggle.

Signaling Abandonment Emboldens Tehran

If the United States distances itself from Israel and its security needs, neither Democrats nor Republicans will bring peace. First, Iran is not a passive actor in the conflict. It has planned for decades and makes calculated decisions to attack shipping and launch ballistic missiles at more than a dozen regional states, most of whom were never combatants. The Islamic Republic’s ideology calls for the elimination of Israel as a Jewish state; essentially, it calls for genocide, with Hamas and Hezbollah the tips of the spear to actualize the vision.

By signaling abandonment of Israel, Democrats and Republicans encourage the Islamic Republic and its terrorist proxies to believe they can win. What Vance and El-Sayed propose is akin to Obama’s West Point address in which he announced that U.S. engagement in Afghanistan would be time-limited. If the Taliban ever received a shot of adrenaline, that was it. Taliban leaders understood then that they only needed to outlast the United States, and there would be little risk to their attacks on U.S. forces or Afghanistan’s flawed, elected government.

Both Vance and El-Sayed and their political allies are simply guaranteeing that Israel faces a renewed and augmented terrorist challenge with fewer mechanisms with which to defend itself.

The Eisenhower Precedent

For the United States, Iran’s nuclear breakout would be strategically untenable, but it would not pose an existential threat. After all, the People’s Republic of China, Pakistan, and North Korea each tested nuclear weapons, but none have ever launched a nuclear attack. A nuclear Iran would be inconvenient, but Vance likely believes the United States can negotiate a truce.

When Johns Hopkins University professor Vali Nasr tweets after the election, “Hopefully this will be a major turning point for foreign policy making on the Middle East,” he forgets history.

This essentially replicates the decisions of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, who calculated that U.S. interests required siding with oil-rich and more numerous Arab oil states over Israel. He shocked not only Jerusalem but also London and Paris when he sided with Cairo during the 1956 Suez Crisis. Within two years, however, he recognized that the Arab states simply did not make good allies; ideologically, they were opposed to the American vision of a liberal order. When Johns Hopkins University professor Vali Nasr tweets after the election, “Hopefully this will be a major turning point for foreign policy making on the Middle East,” he forgets history.

Israel’s Existential Calculus

Israel recognizes it faces an existential crisis. Late Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s nuclear fatwa was neither as consistent nor as legally binding as some U.S. officials claim. It also won’t survive Khamenei’s death. The 2011 International Atomic Energy Agency appendix chronicling the potential military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear program showed that Tehran worked on nuclear warhead design and triggering devices despite the fatwa.

Israel is not a suicidal state. They understand they face an existential threat from Iran, Hamas, and perhaps even Turkey.

At its narrowest point, Israel is less than ten miles wide. Some pundits argue Iran would never launch a nuclear weapon against Israel because it would kill Palestinians, but Iranians generally care little for Arabs. Iran’s deadliest conflict remains the Iran-Iraq War, in which Iran killed hundreds of thousands of Arabs with little compunction. Former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani essentially made the case for a nuclear attack on Israel. “The use of even one nuclear bomb inside Israel will destroy everything,” he said. Even if Israel retaliated, Iran had the strategic depth to survive.

This dynamic should worry Vance, El-Sayed, and others. Israel is not a suicidal state. They understand they face an existential threat from Iran, Hamas, and perhaps even Turkey. Within Israel, there is frustration that Vance, El-Sayed, Europe, and much of the West do not understand this simple fact.

The Nuclear Choice

Israel is a nuclear power. That it remains formally undeclared is just an asterisk. If the world abandons Israel, stripping away conventional means to defend itself, it forces a choice: suicide or nuclear defense. If Israel feels its back against the wall, it could conceivably use nuclear weapons.

If regional security is paramount, the only sensible policy is to help states defend themselves from countries that seek their destruction. Vance is ignorant of history, while El-Sayed is blinded by his own sectarian hatreds. Other politicians and policymakers—the Goodlanders and Finers of the world—show their cynicism, as they put personal ambition above principle.

Why This Is America’s Problem

But is Israel’s fight or even a limited nuclear exchange a U.S. problem? The answer is yes on multiple counts. First, the Islamic Republic seeks America’s destruction as much as Israel’s. The difference between Israel and the United States is one of order of destruction, not need for destruction. This is why the Islamic Republic has repeatedly targeted Americans over the decades. Most Iranians despise their regime, but the men with the guns and the means of repression shape the policy, not the Iranian masses.

The difference between Israel and the United States is one of order of destruction, not need for destruction. This is why the Islamic Republic has repeatedly targeted Americans over the decades

Second, a nuclear exchange would throw the region into chaos. Trade winds would push the radioactive cloud from Iran’s Persian Gulf ports across the Persian Gulf, and up the Arab side, over Qatar, eastern Saudi Arabia, and Iraq. Middle East oil would essentially go offline, sparking a depression in East Asia, which gets more than 60 percent of its energy from the Arab world. The United States would not be immune from the resulting financial instability, nor would a collapse of Asian economies necessarily remain peaceful.

The notion that a magic formula exists for foreign affairs is both ignorant and arrogant. As both Democrats and Republicans embrace a magic formula that Israel, and not the terror sponsors that seek its destruction, they risk a nuclear exchange, regional instability they cannot fathom, and both recession whose severity they cannot imagine.

Published originally on November 9, 2026.


Michael Rubin

Source: https://www.meforum.org/mef-online/why-walking-away-from-israel-invites-nuclear-war

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Avraham Burg and Tucker Carlson’s New ‘Final Solution for the Jews’ - Giulio Meotti

 

by Giulio Meotti

The Two Are Set to Publish a Book in the United States Entitled Peace Is the Only Final Solution for Jews

 

In an interview on the Moral Edge podcast, hosted by Nissim Black and Michael Gerbitz, Jeffrey Lax of NYU says: “When you talk about the ‘final solution’ for the Jews, you are entering deeply frightening territory. There is no reference to Israel in the title. It is specifically about the Jews.”

In an interview on the Moral Edge podcast, hosted by Nissim Black and Michael Gerbitz, Jeffrey Lax of NYU says: “When you talk about the ‘final solution’ for the Jews, you are entering deeply frightening territory. There is no reference to Israel in the title. It is specifically about the Jews.”Shutterstock

On 17 November, a book bearing the words ‘Endlösung der Judenfrage’ on its cover will hit bookshops across America. Endlösung der Judenfrage, the ‘Final Solution to the Jewish Question’, is the term used by the Nazis to refer to the extermination of Europe’s Jews. On 20 January 1942, fifteen senior Nazi officials gathered at a villa on the shores of Lake Wannsee to coordinate the plan under the direction of Reinhard Heydrich, with Adolf Eichmann tasked with drafting the minutes. The book was written by a Jew, the former Speaker of the Knesset Avraham Burg, one of those Jewish intellectuals so beloved of those who hate Israel on both the right and the left. The son of a minister, Avraham Burg published the book Defeating Hitler (Neri Pozza) a few years ago. In it, he announced, without too much fanfare, ‘the end of Zionism’. Now Burg, together with Tucker Carlson, is set to publish a book in the United States entitled “Peace Is the Only Final Solution for Jews”.

Jeffrey Lax of New York University accuses Carlson and Avraham Burg of using Nazi rhetoric and calls on the publisher Simon & Schuster to halt distribution of the book.

Tucker Carlson has written the foreword, and the book will be distributed by the publishing giant Simon & Schuster. Jeffrey Lax of New York University accuses Carlson and Avraham Burg of using Nazi rhetoric and calls on the publisher Simon & Schuster to halt distribution of the book. In an interview on the Moral Edge podcast, hosted by Nissim Black and Michael Gerbitz, Lax says: “When you talk about the ‘final solution’ for the Jews, you are entering deeply frightening territory. There is no reference to Israel in the title. It is specifically about the Jews.”

Burg’s collaboration with Carlson is nothing new. Last March, Burg appeared as a guest on his programme to discuss Israel, Zionism and the war with Iran. An alliance has formed between the “America First” right and the radical left that describes itself as “anti-Zionist.” Last week, in an interview with Il Foglio, Rod Dreher described Carlson as “America’s most successful anti-Semite” (the organisation Stop Antisemitism named Carlson “Anti-Semite of the Year”).

In 2024, Carlson hosted podcaster Darryl Cooper, who claimed that the Nazis had “got themselves into a situation bigger than they could handle” and that the extermination camps had been an unintended consequence of poor wartime planning. At the time, the chief executive of the Anti-Defamation League, Jonathan Greenblatt, responded with words that take on a different meaning today: “Whilst the Nazi Party, the Third Reich, may not have had plans for everything, there was one thing for which they did have a plan: the Jews. It was called the Final Solution.” However, a book that invokes the Nazi “Final Solution”—the darkest concept of 20th-century Europe—appears to mark a significant departure even for the former Fox News commentator.

At a conference in Paris organised to mark the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, Brauman said that “Gaza will replace Auschwitz as a metaphor for absolute cruelty.”

However, the comparison between Israel and Nazism is now widely accepted in the mainstream. It ranges from actors such as Javier Bardem (“The IDF are Nazis”) to films such as “Naza,” which won awards and was acclaimed at Venice, to the former head of Médecins Sans Frontières, Nonino Prize winner and Feltrinelli author Rony Brauman. At a conference in Paris organised to mark the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, Brauman said that “Gaza will replace Auschwitz as a metaphor for absolute cruelty.” The same holds true for Masha Gessen, the “non-binary” Russian-American intellectual, who compared the Gaza Strip to the ghettos of Nazi-occupied Eastern Europe in an essay in The New Yorker—a comparison that sparked a strong outcry on the eve of the Hannah Arendt Prize ceremony, awarded to her in Germany, which went ahead quietly. Gessen not only reiterated the comparison, but took it a step further by likening the uprisings in the Jewish ghettos to “Palestinian resistance”. Then there is Pankaj Mishra, a renowned Indian essayist and writer who contributes to progressive magazines such as the Times Literary Supplement, and who, in “The World After Gaza”, draws parallels between Gaza and the Holocaust; and even the historian Luciano Canfora, who told Accordi&Disaccordi that “Israel is the heir to the Third Reich”. In an article in Le Monde entitled “Israel-Palestine: The Cancer”, the renowned sociologist Edgar Morin treads carefully, whilst the Nobel Laureate for Literature, the Portuguese communist José Saramago, had already stated that “Ramallah is today’s Auschwitz”.

The former German Minister for Culture, Green Party member and staunch progressive Claudia Roth, has just caused a scandal by saying that “we must move beyond the sense of guilt over the Holocaust.” We therefore await the Italian edition of Carlson and Burg’s book and, whilst we’re at it, the conversion of Hitler’s “Eagle’s Nest” in the Bavarian Alps into an anti-Zionist educational centre.

Published originally on November 10, 2026, under the title “Burg and Carlson’s New ‘Final Solution for the Jews.’”

  

Giulio Meotti is a Rome-based journalist for Il Foglio national newspaper. He is the author of twenty books, including A New Shoah: The Untold Story of Israel’s Victims of Terrorism, The Last Western Pope (translated into Spanish and Polish), The End of Europe (Prize Capri San Michele), and The Sweet Conquest (with a preface by Algerian novelist Boualem Sansal) about the creeping Islamization of Europe. He writes a weekly column for Arutz Sheva and has contributed to the Wall Street Journal, the Jerusalem Post, Gatestone Institute, and Die Weltwoche.

Source: https://www.meforum.org/mef-online/avraham-burg-and-tucker-carlsons-new-final-solution-for-the-jews

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