Fifty Years of Using International Law Against Israel: A Social Justice Narrative Takeover - Tirza Shorr

 

by Tirza Shorr

A collection of UN resolutions made Palestinian political violence a legitimate form of political expression. UN resolutions provide justification, reinforcement, and prestige for Palestinian terrorism – including that of Hamas. Both sides now “equal,” the UN began using the terminology “a cycle of violence” when referring to IDF clashes with terrorists.

 

On November 10, 1975, the UN General Assembly declared that “Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination.” (UN Photo/Teddy Chen)

Institute for Contemporary Affairs

Founded jointly with the Wechsler Family Foundation

Vol. 25, No. 4

• The year 2025 marks the 50th anniversary of UN General Assembly Resolution 3379, which declared that Zionism is a form of racism. Nonbinding UN resolutions fuel international court lawfare against Israel, which has only increased following Hamas’s October 7, 2023 massacre. The result has been the endowment of moral and political legitimacy to terrorist aggressors, negating the fundamental values of the international system.

• A collection of UN resolutions made Palestinian political violence a legitimate form of political expression. UN resolutions provide justification, reinforcement, and prestige for Palestinian terrorism – including that of Hamas. Both sides now “equal,” the UN began using the terminology “a cycle of violence” when referring to IDF clashes with terrorists.

• The politicized international courts are conducive to the “narrative” approach that reinterprets history and disregards a legal, adjudicated examination of evidence, favoring social justice. The “critical justice” reinterpretation of law views facts through the lens of corrective narratives. Therefore, terms such as “occupation,” “invasion,” and “blockade” are not interpreted conventionally, but in a way that will afford “social justice.”

• Alternatively, direct efforts to remold definitions are employed: on December 11, 2024, Ireland requested that the UN broaden its definition of “genocide,” so that Israel would be found guilty in the ICJ case.

• Israel has become the “canary in the coal mine” at the UN – an indigenous people in their ancestral homeland uniquely targeted for “colonialism.” The democratic majority rule principle has been usurped to compel the now outnumbered West to subvert the UN’s original vision.

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This study honors the memory of JCFA’s dear friend and associate Olga Meshoe Washington, South African attorney and Israel advocate, CEO of DEISI (Defend Embrace Invest Support Israel) and Board Member of IBSI (the Institute for Black Solidarity with Israel), with whom JCFA has partnered in its joint diplomatic-educational “Promise” project. (* See more about Olga Meshoe Washington below.)

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The year 2025 marks the fiftieth anniversary of United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution 3379, which declared that Zionism is a form of racism. The resolution was passed after a decade-long process of Soviet and Arab lobbying to delegitimize Israel’s existence.

The vote reflected a process. In the 1960s, the UN redefined “racism,” while its 1970s “postcolonial” resolutions allowed terrorism to be reinterpreted as “armed resistance.” The Palestinian cause shoehorned itself into the Third World by claiming that “Palestine” was “colonized.”¹ This narrative persists due to popular ideological trends spread by academia and media.

Nonbinding UN resolutions fuel international court lawfare against Israel, which has only increased following Hamas’s October 7, 2023 massacre. UN demands will be made as political statements even when practically impossible.

For instance, on September 18, 2024, the UNGA adopted a resolution calling on Israel to “end the occupation” or be boycotted within a year. On November 20, 2024, a UN Security Council (UNSC) draft resolution called for an Israeli ceasefire with no hostage release condition.²

A South Africa-led “genocide” case against Israel is still pending at the International Court of Justice,³ and the International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for “war crimes.”⁴ The claims are not factual;⁵ they rest on an overarching narrative of “racist,” “colonialist” Israel.⁶

Neo-Marxist, postmodern, Critical Theory, and postcolonial thought school advocates⁷ have pushed this narrative while simultaneously encouraging the deconstruction of conventional law and history to further it. This intellectual climate now envelops the UN and the international courts.⁸ Since the UN is the global arbiter of what is “politically correct,” the result has been the endowment of moral and political legitimacy to terrorist aggressors, negating the fundamental values of the international system.⁹

The UN’s Postcolonial Resolutions: Legitimizing Terror and the Erasure of Israel

In the 1960s, post-colonialists Frantz Fanon and Jean-Paul Sartre justified terrorism as freedom fighting.¹⁰ In the 1970s, Michel Foucault’s “discursive power” and Jacques Derrida’s linguistic “deconstruction” became the building blocks of today’s radical movements, including its legal branches, which adopted “social justice” legal interpretations.¹¹ The “father of postcolonial studies,” Palestinian-American professor Edward Said, a Foucauldian, claimed that Israel was the last bastion of colonialism in his 1979 book The Question of Palestine.¹²

These ideas were assimilated by what was to become the heavily postcolonial “Non-Aligned Movement” (NAM) UN member majority of the 1970s. Backed by the Soviets and Arabs, Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat transformed the Palestinian refugee cause into a “colonial” one to gain NAM (and Western left) solidarity, making for the UN majority needed to pass a series of pro-Palestinian resolutions.¹³

At UN committees, Israel’s enemies depicted it as an expansionist aggressor that had invaded Africa to occupy Sinai in 1973, though that war was defensive.¹⁴ By 1974, Arafat labeled Israel “colonialist, imperialist, and racist” in his sensationalist “holster” speech, the first time a terrorist was platformed at the UN.¹⁵

About one month later, the UNGA passed Resolution 3236, advocating for the “Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People,” including self-determination, national independence, sovereignty, and recognition of the right of return or compensation for Palestinians. Using the territorial ambiguity of post-1967 Resolution 242, Palestinian advocates suggested that “from the River to the Sea” was a legitimate aim of self-determination. Using the same bloc, UNGA Resolution 3379 passed in 1975 declaring “Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination,”¹⁶ resting on a 1960s definitional expansion of “racial” discrimination.¹⁷

By 1977, non-aligned states lobbied the UN to modify the 1949 Geneva Convention’s laws of war to accommodate national liberation movements in Additional Protocols.¹⁸ In 1979, the UNGA approved an exception to the international convention against taking hostages in cases “in which people are fighting against racist regimes in the exercise of their right of self-determination.”¹⁹

By 1982, the UNGA’s Resolution 37/43 reaffirmed “the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle.”²⁰ This strengthened the Palestinian claim that Jewish resettlement in Israel²¹ was “colonization.”²²

In 1984, NAM advocated for considering armed combatants from national liberation movements civilians, not militants, to protect them from legal prosecution.²³

With “terrorism” still undefined by the UN,²⁴ this collection of resolutions made Palestinian political violence a legitimate form of political expression. Both sides now “equal,” the UN began using the terminology “a cycle of violence”²⁵ when referring to IDF clashes with terrorists. Though Israel advocates assert that the resolutions are inapplicable to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the global discourse has already reinterpreted them using the postcolonial meta-narrative.²⁶ The anti-Israel bias is not just technical, due to bloc voting, vote trades, and appointments – but due to a major ideological, interpretive shift that holds the Palestinian narrative above the UN Charter’s stated raison d’etre.

Changing the Narrative

The UN’s closed-circuit system, which culls evidence from its “independent advisors” and “special rapporteurs” (activists such as Francesca Albanese, Michael Farkhi,²⁷ and Ardi Imseis²⁸) has facilitated “social justice” readings of international public law.

The politicized international courts are conducive to the “narrative” approach that reinterprets history and disregards a legal, adjudicated examination of evidence, favoring social justice.²⁹ The “critical justice” reinterpretation of law views “facts” through the lens of corrective narratives that reverse historically “unjust” hierarchies of power, thereby transforming political realities.³⁰ Therefore, terms such as “occupation,” “invasion,” and “blockade” are not interpreted conventionally, but in a way that will afford “social justice.”³¹ Alternatively, direct efforts to remold definitions are employed: on December 11, 2024, Ireland requested that the UN broaden its definition of “genocide,” so that Israel would be found guilty in the ICJ case.³²

Conclusion

UN resolutions are biased and political, as are the international courts that demand “compliance with international law.” The international courts’ disproportional caseload has focused on African states, while powerful states enjoy immunity.³³ The Russia- and China-dominated UNSC may freely elect to refer cases to the ICC based purely on political considerations.³⁴

When the ICC issued a warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin’s arrest in March 2023 for war crimes,³⁵ the Kremlin dismissed its jurisdiction. Former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev threatened to target the ICC in The Hague with hypersonic missiles,³⁶ and Russia’s top investigative body opened a criminal case against the ICC prosecutor and case judges.³⁷

The West’s heavy funding of the international system seems unjustified, considering its poor outcomes. The UN has failed to prevent mass murder in Cambodia, Burundi, Uganda, Syria, Iraq, and Kurdistan, and fails to advocate for individual rights or against terror.³⁸ UN resolutions provide justification, reinforcement, and prestige for Palestinian terrorism – including that of Hamas.³⁹ The twisted moral standard helps explain why Ireland, Spain, Norway, Slovenia, and Armenia recognized the “State of Palestine” following Hamas’s October 7, 2023 massacre.⁴⁰

Israel has become the “canary in the coal mine” at the UN – an indigenous people in their ancestral homeland uniquely targeted for “colonialism.” The democratic majority rule principle has been usurped to compel the now outnumbered West to subvert the UN’s original vision. Though today, some Western states are willing to sacrifice Israel’s rights to self-defense and self-determination as a guilt offering for “colonial sins,” in the future, this precedent is likely to rebound on their sovereignty.

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* Olga Meshoe Washington stressed how United Nations Resolution 3379 – “Zionism is racism” was an antisemitic relic of Soviet propaganda that “shifted the libel and the attacks against Israel from a geopolitical space to a human rights space,” aiming to deny Israel’s right to self-determination.

Likewise, Olga emphasized the falsehood of the apartheid claim against Israel and its misappropriation of South African history. She said in December 2023: “So people now march on the streets proudly saying that they are upholding human rights values by protesting the fact that Israel is an apartheid state…it’s an affront to Black people who really suffered apartheid. It also erases our history. If everything becomes apartheid, what truly is apartheid?…it also acts as a smokescreen to really address the suffering of…the people in Gaza at the hands of Hamas.” (JCFA War Room interview, during the Swords of Iron War, with Lt.-Col. (res.) Maurice Hirsch), https://jcpa.org/video/the-true-cost-of-the-israel-apartheid-narrative/ December 13, 2023 16:37-17:17.

See also Olga Meshoe Washington, “The Israel-Apartheid Lie and the Appropriation of South Africa’s History,” in Israelophobia and the West: The Hijacking of Civil Discourse on Israel and How to Rescue It, Dr. Dan Diker, editor, https://jcpa.org/israelophobia-and-the-west/ )

We are deeply grieved at the early passing of Olga, a true friend and ally to Israel and the Jewish people. May her memory be blessed.

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Notes

1. Yohanan Manor. To Right a Wrong: The Revocation of UN General Assembly Resolution 3379 Defaming Zionism. UNKNO: 1998. Introduction. On the tailwind of resolutions aimed at Portugal, which still held colonies in Africa, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, and Angola until 1975, the Soviets shoehorned and sealed the Palestinian issue into the post-colonialist Third World UN agenda. States feared an OPEC-style oil embargo for not voting with the Arab-Soviet bloc on Israel, ensuring the “yes” vote of a majority of African and other developing states. “Zionism is Racism” was repealed in Resolution 4686 in 1986 and retracted in 1991. Palestinians or their representatives made claims of racism and imperialism against Israel earlier: Fadel Jamali in 1947, and Ahmad Shukairy in 1961. Though world Jewry and Israel were taken aback by 3379, it culminated in a decade of Soviet and Arab-promoted “Zionism is racism” language in minor committees and conference statements of UN-associated bodies.↩︎

2. The E-10-initiated (Algeria, Ecuador, Guyana, Japan, Malta, Mozambique, Republic of Korea, Sierra Leone, Slovenia, and Switzerland) draft resolution S/2024/835 was vetoed by the United States, citing concerns over the absence of provisions conditioning the release of hostages as a prerequisite for a ceasefire. All 14 other members, including the United Kingdom and France, supported the resolution. It recalls resolutions 2712, 2720 (2023), 2728, and 2735 (2024) on the Palestinian question. The United States vetoed it.↩︎

3. On October 28, 2024, South Africa (joined by Chile, Turkey, Spain, Mexico, and “Palestine”) filed a 750-page claim with 4000 annexes for the first case mentioned above in the ICJ, documents still not released to the public. Their preliminary documents used incendiary terms such as “75-year apartheid” “56-year occupation” and “16-year blockade.”↩︎

4. The International Criminal Court ruling of November 21, 2024, issued warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and (now former) Defense Minister Yoav Gallant on suspicion of war crimes and crimes against humanity (for not allowing food and medical aid to enter Gaza, and Israel’s purportedly intentional attacks on civilians). Israel claimed in pretrial that the ICC has no jurisdiction on “Palestine”; the court rejected this. See https://jcpa.org/the-icc-arrest-warrants-are-an-illegal-action-in-violation-of-the-icc-statute/. Eliminated Hamas terror leaders Ismail Haniyeh, Mohammed Deif, and Yahya Sinwar were also charged. The court issued a warrant for the deceased Deif.↩︎

5. https://www.icj-cij.org/node/204092

   https://www.jpost.com/international/article-830757 Kenyan Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide Alice Wairimu Nderitu, a global expert, opined that the IDF’s war on Hamas was not genocide; the UN subsequently failed to renew her work contract. Though UN Secretary-General António Guterres’s office claimed that her term simply ended and that it is unusual for special advisors to serve more than one term, UN special advisors often serve a second three-year term. (Some examples include Adama Dieng, the UN Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide from 2012 to 2020; Cristina Duarte, Special Adviser on Africa in July 2020, currently serving her second term; Jeffrey Sachs, Special Adviser on the Millennium Development Goals from 2002 to 2016; Jane Holl Lute, Special Adviser on Relocation of Camp Hurriya Residents Outside of Iraq from 2014 to 2016; and David Nabarro, the Special Adviser on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and Climate Change from 2016 to 2018.)↩︎

6. A 2023 opinion piece title succinctly expressed it: “International Courts Won’t Stop Israel’s Occupation but They Can Shift Narratives.”https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/international-courts-wont-stop-Israels-occupation-but-can-shift-narratives↩︎

7. For example, radical academic, BDS activist, Critical theorist, and queer theory originator Judith Butler has claimed that Hamas and Hizbullah are progressive left movements. See https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/us/hamas-and-hezbollah-part-of-global-left-american-philosopher-judith-butlers-comment-resurfaces-on-social-media/articleshow/113943519.cms. Hamas’s “social justice” rebrand in the language of its 2017 annex is an obvious attempt to soften the genocidal Jew-hating narrative of its 1988 charter. See Jeffrey Herf https://yivo.org/cimages/jeffrey_herf_yivo_institute_presentation_2_26_2024.pdf; Hamas in 2017: The document in full | Middle East Eye↩︎

8. See Michael Hanne and Robert Weisberg, eds., Narrative and Metaphor in Law (Cambridge University Press, 2018) and Why Historical Narrative Matters? – Public History Weekly – The Open Peer Review Journal↩︎

9. UN Charter article 4 requires that United Nations membership be open to “all other peace-loving states which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter.” See https://jcpa.org/the-uns-world-of-the-absurd/ Narrative for Social Justice Initiative (N4SJ) — The Narrative Society; https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/situation-state-palestine-icc-pre-trial-chamber-i-rejects-state-israels-challenges↩︎

10. Frantz Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth is considered a source for this logic. Sartre’s introduction to the book was equally influential. https://theconversation.com/postcolonial-prophet-or-advocate-of-barbaric-justice-a-new-take-on-the-life-and-times-of-influential-revolutionary-writer-frantz-fanon-227909 https://republic.com.ng/october-november-2021/fanons-anticolonial-influence/↩︎

11. Derrida’s Justice and Foucault’s Freedom: Ethics, History, and Social Movements on JSTOR The importance of language reinterpretation was already sensed decades before by Stalin. During the Cold War, Soviets redefined “democracy” as communism, not Western representative republicanism. See Robert Tucker. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2008941↩︎

12. The book followed his 1978 masterpiece Orientalism Orientalism: Edward Said’s groundbreaking book explained↩︎

13. Egyptian President Gamal Abd-al-Nasser brought Palestinian representatives to the Africa-Asia Bandung conference in 1955, beginning this association and process. See Kirisci https://www.palestine-studies.org/en/node/1642957; Helena Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organisation: People, Power and Politics. Oxford, 1984, and Barry and Judith Rubin, Arafat (2003). USSR satellites, such as Cuba, Vietnam, and Algeria, empowered the Palestinians to denigrate the Jewish right to self-determination and suggest Israel’s replacement with a Palestinian state. See Mordechai Nisan https://www.researchgate.net/publication/261678466_The_PLO_and_Vietnam_National_Liberation_Models_for_Palestinian_Struggle↩︎

14. Following the Yom Kippur War of 1973, Resolution 338 called for the end of hostilities and the implementation of Resolution 242 of 1967, which demanded the withdrawal of Israeli forces from territories occupied during the Six-Day War, implying that peace could be attained through territorial compromise. These resolutions were used by the Palestinians to claim that Israel refused to give up territories (though they were not defined in the resolution and were previously held by Jordan and Egypt, not “Palestine” – which never existed as a sovereign state, only a geographical territory), thus justifying armed resistance. http://unscr.com/en/resolutions/doc/338↩︎

15. The PLO’s 1977 -Six Point Plan took on Soviet definitions of “democracy” and a “secular democratic state,” which would mean a socialist “one-state solution.” The 1974 10 Point Plan’s “combatant national authority” refers to a reconquered area to be used as a base to liberate Palestine, construed in Western terms as a compromise position repudiating the 1968 Palestinian National Charter’s commitment to total liberation of Palestine. However, it stated that the PLO will employ “all means,” including armed struggle, to “liberate Palestinian territory and to establish the independent combatant national authority for the people over every part of Palestinian territory that is liberated.” See Muhammad Muslih, The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism. Columbia, 1988. p. 17.↩︎

16. Manor, ibid. On the tailwind of resolutions aimed at Portugal, which still held colonies in Africa, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, and Angola until 1975, the Soviets shoehorned and sealed the Palestinian issue into the post-colonialist Third World UN agenda. States feared an OPEC-style oil embargo for not voting with the Arab-Soviet bloc on Israel, ensuring the “yes” vote of a majority of African and other developing states. “Zionism is Racism” was repealed in Resolution 4686 in 1986 and retracted in 1991. Palestinians or their representatives made claims of racism and imperialism against Israel earlier: Fadel Jamali in 1947, and Ahmad Shukairy in 1961. Though world Jewry and Israel were taken aback by 3379, it culminated a decade of Soviet and Arab-promoted “Zionism is racism” language in minor committees and conference statements of UN-associated bodies.↩︎

17. In 1965 at the United Nations, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), adopted in December 1965, was expanded based on the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1963), facilitating 3379. It entered into force on January 4, 1969. Article 1 – Definition of racial discrimination: “Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, color, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.” The resolution was canceled, but the argument was repeated at the UN-associated Durban WCAR conference in 2001. See Joel Fishman, “‘A Disaster of another Kind’: Zionism=Racism, Its Beginning, and the War of Delegitimization against Israel,” Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs V: 3 (2011)↩︎

18. The Convention has been used by the Palestinian cause to argue that terrorists are combatants and “prisoners of war” when arrested by Israeli security forces: https://palwatch.org/page/29247 https://palwatch.org/page/14111↩︎

19. See Article 12 https://treaties.un.org/doc/db/terrorism/english-18-5.pdf http://cilj.co.uk/2019/11/25/the-inapplicability-of-the-geneva-conventions-to-self-determination-movements/#:~:text=1(4)%20of%20the%20Additional,recognised%20as%20international%20armed%20conflicts ; Ben Saul on hostages and Article 12 https://legal.un.org/avl/ha/icath/icath.html; https://international-review.icrc.org/sites/default/files/S0020860400080657a.pdf https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/apii-1977/article-13?activeTab; https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/ar/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-1?activeTab=↩︎

20. Dore Gold, Tower of Babble (2004) p. 39.↩︎

21. See https://ore.exeter.ac.uk/repository/bitstream/handle/10871/126540/HoganA.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y↩︎

22. In addition, Great Britain’s mandatory-era Balfour Declaration was referenced as a colonization attempt. See https://jcpa.org/legal-veracity-balfour-declaration/↩︎

23. Gold, p. 39. The Pentagon rejected this approach, which would prevent counterterrorism efforts.↩︎

24. Counter-Terrorism Module 4 Key Issues: Defining Terrorism↩︎

25. Gold, p. 39.↩︎

26. https://gtw.hypotheses.org/17828 (In the words of postmodernist Jean-Francois Lyotard)↩︎

27. https://unwatch.org/legal-analysis-of-un-food-rapporteur-michael-fakhris-2024-report-to-un-general-assembly/↩︎

28. https://www.youtube.com/shorts/aQc26Lg67ZU↩︎

29. Critical Social Justice was popularized by Critical Race Theory, whose “parent” thought school is Critical Legal Theory, which pioneered legal narrative (“storytelling”). CRT’s international counterparts are Critical International Legal Theory and Third World Approaches to International Law.

    In postcolonial and neo-Marxist thought, colonialism and racism are integrally connected, as racism justifies colonial exploitation of the indigenous population. “Racial” becomes a magical full-coverage claim that aims to obliterate the guilty regime for its complete lack of moral, and therefore, political legitimacy, the fate of the former apartheid regime of South Africa. The racist or “apartheid” claim – even if it was not accurate regarding Israel – also has the power to justify terrorism as “armed resistance,” thereby building global solidarity with all “black and brown people.” Today, this sentiment is expressed by the “intersectionality” of marginalized peoples, inspired by Critical Legal theorist Kimberle Crenshaw. See https://www.heyalma.com/israel-guide/intersectionality-and-the-israeli-palestinian-debate/#:~:text=Intersectionality%20has%20also%20become%20a,justice%2C%20and%20particularly%2C%20feminism; https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228205450_Legal_Storytelling_The_Theory_and_the_Practice_-_Reflective_Writing_Across_the_Curriculum↩︎

30. See Naz Modirzadeh. https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4406477 p. 110: Melbourne Law School public international law professor Anne Orford: “the recognition that international law is politics all the way down is not the end of the story, but the beginning of a new chapter.”↩︎

31. https://jcpa.org/manipulating-the-truth-about-gaza/; https://gaza-aid-data.gov.il/main/↩︎

32. https://x.com/just_whatever/status/1866917595330330892↩︎

33. The Sum of Four Fears: African States and the International Criminal Court in Retrospect-Part I – Opinio Juris; Africa and the backlash against international courts- Africa and International Studies | BISA↩︎

34. The international system’s lack of jurisdiction over brutal dictatorships explains why the ICC has never brought “war crime” charges against Syria’s Bashar al-Assad, Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan, or Iran’s Ali Khamenei, since these states are not Rome Statute signatories.↩︎

35. For the unlawful deportation and transfer of children in Ukraine and Russia.↩︎

36. https://www.newsweek.com/russia-medvedev-icc-hypersonic-missile-putin-arrest-warrant-1788805?form=MG0AV3↩︎

37. https://apnews.com/article/russia-indictment-icc-prosecutor-judge-putin-260100f9ba533e15ebee3084dba74ff4?form=MG0AV3↩︎

38. Dore Gold. Tower of Babble. p. 39↩︎

39. https://jcpa.org/article/the-war-in-gaza-can-contemporary-international-law-cope-with-todays-terror/ Skyrocketing Palestinian terror in the 1970s included the hostage-taking and murder of 11 Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics in 1972; in Kiryat Shmona, in 1974, with 18 dead, including eight children; in 1974 in Ma’alot, with 27 children killed at the school; at the Savoy in Tel Aviv in 1975, 11 dead; and the hostages taken at Entebbe in 1976.↩︎

40. Similarly, following the First Intifada of December 1987, in November 1988, 78 states recognized Palestine. At a Palestinian National Council meeting in Algeria, the PLO claimed Jerusalem as a capital, citing UN General Assembly Resolution 181 (the partition of Palestine into Jewish and Arab states, initially rejected by the Arabs) and multilateral negotiations based on UN Security Council Resolution 242.↩︎

Tirza Shorr

Source: https://jcpa.org/article/fifty-years-of-using-international-law-against-israel-a-social-justice-narrative-takeover/

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