"Fatah adopts all legitimate forms of struggle along with clinging to the
option of peace without limiting the options to negotiations to achieve
peace. Among the forms of struggle that can be exercised with success in the
current phase to support and activate the negotiations or to act as
alternative to the negotiations if the negotiations don’t achieve their
goals: ..."
[Dr. Aaron Lerner - IMRA: emphasis on "can be exercised with success in the
current phase" = murdering Israeli children may not necessarily be in the
game plan this week - but not because it is intrinsically wrong to do - but
rather a question of efficacy - this week. Now if in another "phase"
murdering Israeli infants "can be exercised with success" then there is
nothing in the Fatah Political Program to rule it out.]
FULL TEXT OF FATAH POLITICAL PROGRAM AFTER IT WAS RATIFIED BY FATAH CONFERENCE
As published in al-Ayyam Translation provided by The Jerusalem Media &
Communications Center
The political program said the continuation of negotiations without
achieving real progress within a set time ceiling constitutes a danger on
our rights and becomes foul play that allows
as cover up for the continuation of settlements and consolidation of the
occupation. The program defines eleven rules in order to engage in
negotiations with
the current dialogue with Hamas and ratified four steps to confront the
siege imposed on
Fatah Movement rejected the alternative homeland in
sign any agreement that does not lead to the release of all prisoners. Fatah
stressed on rejecting the principle of forceful resettlement or the calls
for the alternative homeland: there wont be resettlement in
there wont be an alternative homeland in
Fatah stressed on serious work towards the release of all prisoners and we
will not sign any peace agreement until all prisoners are released. Fatah
stressed on the independence of the movement in the context of the PLO and
the PNA.
The political program of Fatah pointed out that in order to avoid a
situation where the negotiations become foul play and waste of time; we have
to make sure that the PLO abides following rules in order to engage in the negotiations:
1- To link the negotiations process with real progress on the ground
according to clear and concrete indicators, mainly the complete halt of
settlements especially in Jerusalem and to stop changing the features of
Jerusalem and to stop the Judaization process of Jerusalem and these are two
conditions that must be met in order for resumption of any peace
negotiations; we need to ensure also that Israel end its incursions,
arrests, assassinations, and the end of the siege imposed on our people in
Gaza, and the removal of the checkpoints in the West Bank, and the
withdrawal until the September 28, 2000 borders as a first step towards
withdrawal until the borders of June 4, 1967; these are clear and concrete
indicators that must be seen on real grounds and to link progress in
negotiations with achieving the above mentioned steps and measures.
2- Negotiations will be on the basis of international legitimacy and its
main resolutions (181, 194, 242 and 338) and in the context of the Arab
Peace Initiative, as long as the continuation of negotiations meet our
interim and strategic goals.
3- To continue work towards holding a new international peace conference
that consolidates our rights and pushes towards quick negotiations that
result in a peace agreement that achieves our goals.
4- To insist on setting up a clear and binding time table and a time ceiling
for the negotiations.
5- To reject delaying negotiations over
any of the final solution issues.
6- To reject the idea of the state with temporary borders.
7- To totally reject recognizing
protect the rights of the refugees and the rights of our people inside the
Green Line.
8- To insist on international participation during the negotiations and on a
mechanism for arbitration upon the eruption of a dispute when implementing
the agreements and this mechanism should be binding for both sides.
9- To insist on international monitoring and an international peace keeping
mechanism to guarantee the implementation of the agreement.
10- Our success in achieving our goals through negotiations requires a
national professional committee capable of negotiations that will remain
under the PLO supervision and to be monitored by a higher committee which should include the factions and Palestinian competent figures and another
Fatah Committee to follow up the negotiations and to submit its reports to
Fatah Central Committee and Fatah Revolutionary Council.
11- We must head to popular referendum to adopt the peace agreement that
will be reached through the final status negotiations.
Fatah defined five options that it will adopt in case the current dialogue
with Hamas fails. Fatah said that the continuation of the split between the
two parts of the homeland constitutes a threat to the fate of the national
cause of the Palestinian people and Hamas bears responsibility for the
continuation of the split; we have to move forward to achieve success in
comprehensive national dialogue, mainly with Hamas, on the basis of ending
the split in Gaza and the establishment of a national reconciliation
government that organizes concurrent presidential and legislative elections
and unify the security services as national services that protect the
security of the homeland and the citizen and to handle the traces of the
split and achieve national reconciliation and release of the detainees.
Fatah stressed that the failure of the dialogue because of Hamas
intransigence does not downplay the importance and priority of the dialogue
and its continuation, but forces Fatah to adopt alternative options:
First: To restructure Fatah Movement in
situation and provide full support to our organization in
the split.
Second: To push the cadres and members of Fatah in
action and mobilize the Palestinian masses to confront the split and
dictatorship.
Third: To expose the measures of Hamas; these measures which are not part of
our Palestinian traditions and norms, and the crimes committed against the
Palestinian people.
Fourth: To demand Arab security support in Gaza Strip during the interim
phase.
Fifth: To reinforce media action in the Arab and Islamic street to expose
the policies and measures of Hamas.
With regards to ending the siege imposed on
1- to reinforce the steadfastness of
priority in national support through the finances of the PNA and
international; grants and to solve the urgent problems of Gazans who reside abroad (students and patients).
2- To launch an international humanitarian campaign against the siege and
the attempts to cause famine in
crimes against humanity that
to link the negotiations with
3- To start a process of gradual dismantling of the linkage of the
Palestinian economy with the Israeli market, especially in electricity,
fuel, gas, basic food items and replace them with Egyptian, Jordanian and
Arab markets.
4- to work on implementing the international agreement on Rafah Crossing and
try to develop the agreement in a manner that does not give Israel the
chance to control the crossing or the chance to close this important
crossing.
Fatah adopts all legitimate forms of struggle along with clinging to the
option of peace without limiting the options to negotiations to achieve
peace. Among the forms of struggle that can be exercised with success in the
current phase to support and activate the negotiations or to act as
alternative to the negotiations if the negotiations don’t achieve their
goals:
a- To mobilize popular struggle against settlements and its successful
modern form is the continuous confrontation in Bil’in and Ni’lin against
settlements and the wall, and to save
We have the task to mobilize all citizens to engage in the activities and to
achieve Arab and foreign popular participation and offer all support from
the PNA apparatuses in order to make them succeed and Fatah popular and
official leaders need to lead the most important activities.
b- To be creative in finding new forms of struggle and resistance through
popular initiatives and other initiatives by the cadres of the movement and
to stress on the determination of our people to remain steadfast and resist
in accordance with the legitimate norms and laws.
c- To boycott the Israeli products inside the territories and abroad through
popular moves, in particular commodities that have a local alternative and
exercise new forms of civil disobedience against the occupation and work to
escalate an international campaign towards boycotting Israel and its
products and its institutions through making use of the experience of South
Africa.
d- To pose and discuss Palestinian strategic alternatives if it is not
possible to achieve progress through the current negotiations, including poising the idea of the unified democratic state that rejects racism, hegemony and occupation, and to develop struggle against Israeli Apartheid and Racism or return to the idea of declaring the state on the 1967 borders and other strategic alternatives.
e- To continue tireless work towards the release of the prisoners and
detainees and end the external siege and the internal checkpoints and
achieve freedom of movement.
f- To return to the UN and the Security Council and demand that they assume
their responsibilities in ending the conflict and ending the occupation and
to continue work towards the issuance of Security Council resolutions on the
basis of the Seventh Chapter of the UN Charter which carry the binding
character.
g- To regain our direct and strong relations with the Israeli peace camp and
reactive it to work for the sake of a just peace without confusing this with
normalization which is rejected as a policy under the occupation.
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