The "Middle East and Terrorism" Blog was created in order to supply information about the implication of Arab countries and Iran in terrorism all over the world. Most of the articles in the blog are the result of objective scientific research or articles written by senior journalists.
From the Ethics of the Fathers: "He [Rabbi Tarfon] used to say, it is not incumbent upon you to complete the task, but you are not exempt from undertaking it."
The picture, shared to Instagram, appears to portray two large nuclear explosions with fallout across Israel.
An image posted by an Iranian advisor depicting two mushroom clouds and nuclear fallout over Israel, July 12, 2025.(photo credit: Screenshot/Instagram)
Mehdi
Mohammadi, a strategic advisor to the Speaker of Iran's Parliament,
Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf posted an image to his Instagram story on
Saturday, depicting two mushroom clouds and nuclear fallout across
Israel, in a post seen by The Jerusalem Post.
Mushroom clouds are widely recognized as symbolizing blasts from a nuclear bomb.
Notably, the fallout from the explosions in the image shared by Mohammadi also covered the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
President
Masoud Pezeshkian last week signed a law suspending cooperation with
the International Atomic Energy Agency, prompting the IAEA to withdraw
its remaining inspectors from Iran.
Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian visits Iran's nuclear achievements
exhibition in Tehran, Iran April 9, 2025. (credit: IRAN'S
PRESIDENCY/WANA (WEST ASIA NEWS AGENCY)/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS)Relations between Iran and the IAEA
have worsened since the United States and Israel bombed Iranian nuclear
facilities in June, saying they wanted to prevent Tehran developing an
atomic weapon. Iran says its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes
only and denies seeking atomic weapons.
Is Russia playing a role in Iran's nuclear program?
Russian President Vladimir Putin told both US President Donald Trump and Iranian officials that he supports the idea of a nuclear deal in which Iran is unable to enrich uranium, sources familiar with those discussions told Axios on Saturday.
Iran's semi-official outlet, Tasnim News denied the Axios report.
Seth J. Frantzman and Reuters contributed to this report.
Lt.-Col. G. discusses the tense moments of firing on Iranian missiles moments away from launch, and the pressure of knowing what would happen if he failed.
(Illustrative) The Elbit-made Hermes 900 drone.(photo credit: ELBIT)
There were many moments of professional pressure
inside the control trailer of the drone operators in the IAF's
“Headbutting Ram” Squadron. At times, the tension was so high that the
operators sweated profusely despite the air conditioning.
One
of the recurring challenges involved flying over Tehran, some 1,500
kilometers from Israel, with a limited weapons load. In such situations,
every missile launch required exceptional judgment. What if
intelligence uncovered a more critical target just moments later—one
that demanded immediate destruction? A target capable of endangering
Israel’s home front with casualties and widespread devastation. The
ability to rearm the drone was far away—too far.
Lt.-Col. G. (39), married to an electrical engineer and father of two, began his IDF
service in humble fashion: as a detention NCO at the army’s induction
base, distributing chocolate milk and buns to detainees. Later, he
worked as a clerk in the IAF commander’s office. But his ambition had
always been to become a pilot or join the elite Sayeret Matkal commando
unit. Just before boot camp, however, a medical issue disqualified him
from pilot training.
During Operation Rising Lion, Lt.-Col. G. led “the Headbutting Ram” Squadron in drone operations targeting Iran.“I
believed from the first moment that we would succeed,” he said. “Why?
Because we have good and committed people, and defense industries that
understand the scale of the challenge.”
On the eve of the operation, he presented a briefing in the squadron’s operations room. One prominent slide read: “No stopping.”
People walk next to a mural with a picture of Iran's Supreme Leader,
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, on a street, early hours of ceasefire, in
Tehran, Iran, June 24, 2025. (credit: MAJID ASGARIPOUR/WANA (WEST ASIA
NEWS AGENCY) VIA REUTERS)To underscore the
mission’s urgency, he described a scenario: “You’re a drone operator on
your way to the base, and a Red Alert siren goes off. Do you stop or
keep driving? You arrive, enter the control trailer—and again, Red
Alert. Do you run to the shelter or stay on mission? While there’s no
direct comparison between drone operators and paratroopers, the
mentality is the same. I had a team that didn’t stop—even during Red
Alerts—while executing missions in Iran.”
Not the drone that fell, but the launcher it missed
One might assume that losing an Israeli drone over Iran would be the worst-case scenario. Lt.-Col. G. sees it differently.
“Taking
enemy fire is the easy part—that’s what we call a ‘downing,’” he
explained. “It hurt to see our drone shot down. But what pained me more
was the launcher that wasn't struck. The media focused on the drone crash,
but Elbit will build another. What I think about is the missile that
might fall on Israel because its launcher was left intact. That kind of
damage is far worse than rockets from Gaza or Lebanon. This is a
different war altogether.”
Fighting
over Iran required a completely different mindset than operations in
Gaza or Lebanon, he added.“During the fighting, we received new recruits
from the training school. I placed special emphasis on mental
resilience and team cohesion. Every operator has a family. We’re more
than 640 days into combat. Reservists aren’t getting promoted at work;
families are under strain. That takes immense psychological endurance.”
He
described a typical moment of psychological stress. “What happens when a
commander, in the middle of an attack, suddenly sees a barrage of
missiles on screen—possibly aimed at his own home? Where is his head at
that moment?"
"And
yet, he continues the mission. He doesn’t stop. I always knew we’d go
on the offensive. This is the mission of my life—eliminating an
existential threat to Israel.”
The dilemma: Fire now, or wait?
A core dilemma facing the drone teams was whether to strike immediately or hold fire for a potentially higher-value target.
"Should
we launch now or wait? Maybe a more valuable target will be discovered
in a moment? The disturbing thought that recurs in every operation is
the possibility that immediately after launching the weapons,
intelligence will arrive on an even more critical and complex target,
and then we will be left unable to act."
“Every
launcher we hit means one less missile that could land in Beersheba,
Bat Yam, Holon, or Tel Aviv,” said Lt.-Col. G. “So yes—it hurts less to
lose a drone than to miss a launcher or missile we didn’t strike.”
The
squadron quickly learned how to assess the “strategic weight of each
strike,” even when forced to return due to fuel constraints rather than a
lack of targets.
“In
the background, there’s a mission commander who knows we need to return
for fuel. I receive policy from the IAF command. I provide input—but
ultimately, I follow direction.”
The
IAF, he said, “quickly broke through” the IDF’s traditional operational
limits—a breakthrough noticed by Western militaries, including the
United States.
“I
admit—I was positively surprised by how effectively we disrupted
Iranian launches. Sometimes, just hearing the drone’s buzz was enough to
deter a launch. That’s when you realize our presence alone has real
strategic value.”
“These
missions carry enormous responsibility for protecting Israel’s home
front. The IAF commander simply told me: ‘This is the mission—take down
the surface-to-surface missiles. Now, tell me how you plan to do it. I
trust you.’ That kind of trust is powerful," he added.
Writing the pages of history
Reflecting
on what it meant to fly drones over Tehran, Lt.-Col. G. said, “From
above, a building in Tehran looks the same as one in Beirut or Gaza. But
emotionally, it’s different. You cross into enemy territory, and
suddenly you’re over Tehran. It becomes a mental event. You turn a
1,500-kilometer range into something that feels like something next
door. All for one goal: removing an existential threat.”
He
then described the emotional complexity of actually conducting strikes
on targets. “When a missile misses the target, you must immediately fire
again and hit. Then move on. There’s no time to dwell. The complexity
is far beyond anything we’ve done before. This isn’t chasing a terrorist
through a Lebanese alley. When you see a missile launch on your drone’s
screen, it’s not like Gaza, where you tell yourself Iron Dome will
intercept it. With Iran, it makes you want to scream. You want better
intelligence. You want to be faster. And even if you hit one launcher,
but two missiles were already fired at Israel—that’s a heavy burden.”
A
slide in his team presentation read: “You wrote the pages of history.”
“The fact that we got a drone over Tehran—that’s historic,” he said.
“It’s an old squadron that once flew manned aircraft. I’m a combat
heritage geek. During the operation, the widow of Aryeh Ben-Or, who
commanded Squadron 147 during the Six-Day War, wrote to me: ‘I can’t
stop thinking about you and your squadron. Please pass on my pride.’ It
moved me deeply.”
The biggest missile and the moment of silence
Among
the most emotional moments was the successful strike on the
Khorramshahr-4—also known as the “Haider”—one of Iran’s most dangerous
missiles. “It’s their biggest missile. Range of over 1,500 km. A
1,500-kg warhead—three times more than those fired at us—and it can
carry a nuclear payload,” he said. “We smashed it. Then we saw all the
Iranians fleeing—and there was no site left.”
That same day, his five-year-old daughter said: “Today there was no Red Alert.”
Between science fiction and October 7
Lt.-Col.
G. acknowledged the contrast between the technological achievement in
Iran and the traumatic failure of October 7.“Yes, October 7 was a
failure. But since then—Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, Judea and Samaria, and
Iran—we’ve corrected course. We failed. We recovered. We went to war.”
He
added: “It did something to the country, too. It created a feeling of
unity. When egos are set aside, and everyone in the security
establishment works together, it works. There’s still a bitter taste,
but we are trying to change, to do things differently—to bring a new
message. To the soldier. The citizen. The fighter. To ourselves.”
And
as for the future? “As a commander, I must look ahead. There may be
something even greater than the Iranian threat. I don’t know what it is
yet. But I remember what former IAF commander Eliezer Shkedi once said:
‘He who leans on his past has a brilliant past ahead of him.’ That line
stays with me. I must aim for the next thing. That’s what I’m projecting
to my people—and to the future of the force," he concluded.
"Hamas rejected the Qatari proposal, is creating obstacles, refuses to compromise, and accompanies the talks with psychological warfare aimed at sabotaging the negotiations."
Families of Israelis held
hostage in Gaza and supporters protest calling for the release of
Israelis held hostage by Hamas terrorists in Gaza, outside the US
Embassy Branch Office in Tel Aviv, July 7, 2025. (photo credit: ERIK MARMOR/FLASH90)
Israel
has accepted the Qatari-proposed hostage deal, based on the Witkoff
outline, while Hamas has rejected it, a senior official in the Prime
Minister's office told reporters on Saturday.
The
official noted that negotiations in Doha regarding the hostage deal are
ongoing, claiming that talks were also held during the Sabbath with the
mediators, as well as Egypt and Qatar.
According
to him, the Israeli team was sent to Doha based on the Qatari proposal,
to which Israel agreed, and received the necessary mandate for the
talks. "Hamas rejected the Qatari proposal, is creating obstacles,
refuses to compromise, and accompanies the talks with psychological
warfare aimed at sabotaging the negotiations," the senior official in
the Prime Minister's Office claimed.
The
senior official in Netanyahu's office noted that Israel "has shown
willingness for flexibility in the negotiations, while Hamas remains
steadfast in its refusal, holding positions that do not allow the
mediators to advance an agreement."
Earlier on Saturday, Palestinian officials told the BBC that hostage-ceasefire negotiations are on the verge of collapse.
A
Palestinian official claimed that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had
purposefully sent a delegation to Doha, Qatar, with no real
decision-making authority on key points of contention in order to buy
Israel time while he visited Washington.
Israel's point of contention includes the deployment of IDF troops during the 60-day ceasefire period, The Jerusalem Post
previously reported. Hamas claimed on Wednesday that on its side, there
were several sticking points, including the flow of aid, withdrawal of
Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip, and "genuine guarantees' for a
permanent ceasefire,” adding that the talks have been “tough” due to
Israel’s “intransigence.”
Hamas
insists that aid must enter Gaza and be distributed through UN agencies
and international relief organizations, while Israel has pushed for
distribution through the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation.
As of Thursday, talks reached “a stalemate,” one source told the Post.
“We thought things would move faster due to American and Qatari
pressure. At least a few more days of negotiations will be needed,”
another source said.
Hamas
objected to Israel’s second proposal, which was submitted to mediators
and outlined the deployment of IDF forces in the Gaza Strip during the
proposed 60-day ceasefire.
The
updated offer, presented late on Wednesday, includes increased Israeli
flexibility regarding the presence of the IDF during the ceasefire in
the area stretching south from the Morag Corridor toward the Philadelphi Corridor, located along the Gaza-Egypt border.
Israel-Hamas ceasefire deal
The
deal on the table includes the release of 10 living hostages and the
remains of 18 hostages in Gaza over a period of 60 days. In exchange,
Israel will release an agreed-upon number of Palestinian prisoners. This
release will occur in parallel with the hostage releases, and without
any public ceremonies.
In total, 50 hostages remain in Gaza, including 20 living hostages and the remains of 30 people.
Since
last Sunday, Israeli and Hamas negotiators have attended eight rounds
of indirect talks in separate buildings in Doha, according to the BBC.
Qatar's Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdul Rahman Al Thani, and
senior Egyptian intelligence officials have facilitated the talks. US
envoy Brett McGurk has also been in attendance.
If Trump settles into believing that setting back Iran's nuclear program by a few years is enough, the world will soon fall into the very trap that Tehran has set.
President Donald J. Trump,
through a bold and unapologetic foreign policy, has emerged in just a
few short months, as the only leader in recent history capable of
reshaping the region and challenging Iran's theocratic dictatorship with
real consequences. His actions have already produced historic
results...
If Trump settles into believing that setting back Iran's nuclear
program by a few years is enough, the world will soon fall into the very
trap that Tehran has set. The regime will rebuild, rearm, and reemerge
stronger, angrier, and even nearer to having its bomb. The world will
then once again face the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran—with perhaps
no leader to stop it.
Now is not the time to offer the regime a lifeline in the
form of negotiations or sanctions relief. The regime will doubtless try
its old tricks—sending diplomats to Western capitals, promising
temporary compliance, and begging for centrifuges for "peaceful energy"
and a new "deal." This is a trap
Any deal now will not benefit the United States. It will only
help the Iranian regime recover, rebuild its economy, and ultimately
return to its path of terror. The time has come to "finish the job."
The Iranian regime must not be allowed to survive long enough to recover. The goal is not to delay the problem but to solve it.
President Donald J. Trump, through a bold and unapologetic
foreign policy, has emerged in just a few short months, as the only
leader in recent history capable of reshaping the region and challenging
Iran's theocratic dictatorship with real consequences. His actions have
already produced historic results. (Photo by Jim Watson/AFP via Getty
Images)
It took decades — across multiple presidencies, wars, and failed
negotiations — before the United States finally had a president who
understood, with both clarity and conviction, how to confront the
Iranian regime and transform the trajectory of the Middle East.
President Donald J. Trump, through a bold and unapologetic foreign
policy, has emerged in just a few short months, as the only leader in
recent history capable of reshaping the region and challenging Iran's
theocratic dictatorship with real consequences. His actions have already
produced historic results — from crippling the regime's nuclear
infrastructure to fostering unprecedented peace deals.
The work, however, is not yet finished. It is imperative now to push
forward and seize the opportunity to dismantle Iran's threat permanently.
A stable and peaceful Middle East could very well be one of the most
enduring legacies of Trump's leadership, one that generations of
Americans and Middle Easterners will remember as the moment that Trump
turned history from a global threat into a "Golden Age," for the world.
That cannot be done, regrettably, with these fundamentalist fanatics still ruling Iran.
Trump's approach to Iran has been fundamentally different from that
of his predecessors. Where others saw conciliation, he saw manipulation.
Where others offered concessions, he applied pressure. While many
administrations talked about Iran's nuclear threat, Trump acted. In his
previous term, he withdrew America from a disastrous Iran nuclear deal
that enabled Iran to have as many nuclear weapons as it liked along with
the intercontinental ballistic missiles to deliver them – beginning
this October! Trump began by initiating tough sanctions to choke off the
Iranian regime's financial lifeline. In his second term, he went even
further, authorizing precision military strikes that hit Iran's deeply
buried nuclear facilities in Fordow as well as Natanz and Isfahan. These
were not symbolic gestures. According
to U.S. defense and intelligence assessments, Iran's nuclear program
has been set back by possibly two years. That is not just a delay—it was
a disruption of Iran's most dangerous ambitions.
While the strikes slowed Iran down, unfortunately, they did not end
the threat. The Iranian regime, driven by a deeply entrenched theocratic
ideology, is determined. It has already started to excavate
the sites that were hit. Iran's leaders are likely banking on the hope
that Trump will eventually leave office and a more lenient
administration will take over—one that it can manipulate as it has done
in the past. If Trump settles into believing that setting back Iran's
nuclear program by a few years is enough, the world will soon fall into
the very trap that Tehran has set. The regime will rebuild, rearm, and
reemerge stronger, angrier, and even nearer to having its bomb. The
world will then once again face the prospect of a nuclear-armed
Iran—with perhaps no leader to stop it.
This regime will not be passively waiting. It will be aggressively
forging deeper military and strategic partnerships with hostile regimes
such as North Korea, China, and Russia. These alliances can provide it
with weapons, intelligence, and black-market nuclear technology. The
longer the world waits, the more entrenched these partnerships become.
That is why the notion of "waiting Iran out" is not only naive—it is
potentially catastrophic. Trump understands this. He has never viewed
Iran as a conventional adversary to be negotiated with, but as a
revolutionary regime that must be weakened and contained.
What then must be done? First, the "maximum pressure" economic
pressure -- including secondary sanctions: countries that do business
with Iran are barred from doing business with the U.S. -- must continue
and intensify. The Trump administration has already imposed some of the
toughest sanctions possible on Iran by targeting its oil exports,
financial institutions, and affiliates such as Hezbollah. Iran's economy
is shrinking. Its currency is collapsing. Now is not
the time to offer the regime a lifeline in the form of negotiations or
sanctions relief. The regime will doubtless try its old tricks—sending
diplomats to Western capitals, promising temporary compliance, and
begging for centrifuges for "peaceful energy" and a new "deal." This is a
trap
Every previous deal with Iran has only allowed the regime to catch
its breath, regroup, and resume its pursuit of nuclear weapons with
renewed vigor. Trump knows this. Any deal now will not benefit the
United States. It will only help the Iranian regime recover, rebuild its
economy, and ultimately return to its path of terror. The time has come
to finish the job.
In addition to economic pressure, sustained military readiness is
essential. Trump's policy has always involved using force not as a first
resort, but as a clear and credible deterrent. This deterrence
must remain in place. If Iran attempts to resume any enrichment or
rebuild previously destroyed nuclear sites, there must be swift and
decisive military consequences. This should not be done in isolation.
Cooperation with Israel—America's most important ally in the region—
needs to be further strengthened and deepened. Israel has shown that it
can penetrate Iran's airspace, gather intelligence, and execute precise
operations. To maintain this superiority, Israel must be fully
supported. This backing should include providing Israel with advanced
weaponry, intelligence, and bunker-busting bombs capable of destroying
underground nuclear sites. Air dominance is key. President Trump
together with Israel need to create a future where deterrence is truly
effective and the Iranian regime cannot even contemplate hiding a
nuclear program underground.
At the same time, Trump's Middle East strategy needs to include
building coalitions and alliances that further isolate the Iranian
regime. Trump's trailblazing Abraham Accords—a set of normalization
agreements between Israel and Arab nations—represented a historic
breakthrough that eluded presidents for decades. These Accords, by
attempting to bring former enemies together in a shared vision of
stability and economic cooperation, shifted the geopolitical map of the
Middle East. Under Trump's leadership, the possibility of expanding the
Accords to include more nations—even those previously aligned against
Israel—is real. He has already initiated outreach toward countries such
as Saudi Arabia, Oman, and even Syria, thereby forging diplomatic paths
that could create a united regional front. Such a coalition would not
only serve to contain Iran's influence but also to lay the foundation
for a new Middle East order—one built not on conflict and chaos, but on
mutual security and partnership.
None of this would be possible without the Trump's leadership. While
others have wavered and delivered platitudes, he has acted and delivered
results. In half a year back in office, he has done more to dismantle
Iran's nuclear ambitions than most of his predecessors did in two full
terms. Trump has halted Iran's momentum, disrupted its plans, and
signaled that the era of American appeasement and weakness is over. The
window of opportunity is open. \ If the current momentum is maintained,
the United States and its allies can do more than delay Iran's nuclear
program. They can end it for good. They can hasten the fall of a regime
that threatens not only Israel, but also the Sunni Gulf States, the
United States, former Trump officials and dissidents and that
terrorizes, imprisons, tortures and executes its own people and has
destabilized the region for 46 years. Trump, after two assassination
attempts, has a bounty on his head of $21 million.
Trump has reshaped the Middle East in ways that were once considered
unimaginable. Through strength, resolve, and vision, he has brought
America closer to achieving one of its most elusive foreign policy
goals: a peaceful and secure Middle East, free from the shadow of Iran's
nuclear threat and theocratic tyranny. This legacy, however, can only
endure if it is seen through to completion. The Iranian regime must not
be allowed to survive long enough to recover. The goal is not to delay
the problem, but to solve it. With Trump in office, the chance to
"finish the job" has finally arrived. It may never come again.
Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is a political scientist,
Harvard-educated analyst, and board member of Harvard International
Review. He has authored several books on the US foreign policy. He can be reached at dr.rafizadeh@post.harvard.edu
Meetings currently appear to be underway to create a possible "consortium" of Arab and Muslim nations to govern the Gaza Strip – basically leaving in place many of the same radical Islamic adherents of Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood
The Trump administration is
being sent early warnings of the priorities of its possible "partner,"
Qatar, for the future of the Gaza Strip.
"His Excellency" Mohammed al-Rumaihi, Qatar's former ambassador
to the United States, and former Minister of Municipality and
Environment, noted on July 5 that he is concerned about "keep[ing] the
Palestinian cause alive – and its people," and slammed Israel: "No major
capital—neither Beijing, nor Moscow, nor Washington—has labelled the
Gaza campaign as 'systematic killing,' let alone moved to punish Israel
under Chapter VII of the UN Charter."
You are not left to guess which side of the conflict he is on.
Meetings currently appear to be underway to create a possible
"consortium" of Arab and Muslim nations to govern the Gaza Strip –
basically leaving in place many of the same radical Islamic adherents of
Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, of which it is an offshoot, as before
-- most likely to make sure that Israel can be attacked again in the
future as many times as necessary to ensure its extinction.
"Qatar is at the top of funding terrorism worldwide, even more
than Iran." — Udi Levy, former senior official of Israel's Mossad spy
agency, who dealt with economic warfare against terrorist organizations,
Ynet, April14, 2024.
President Donald Trump -- whose initial instincts are often
perfect until "advisors" try to talk him out of them – originally
suggested an American-built "Riviera" on the Gaza Strip. Combined with a
military base, it would greatly serve the interests of the United
States as well as Israel – similarly to how the US stations the forward
HQ of Central Command and Air Forces Central Command at Al Udeid Air
Base in Qatar, to protect the oil-rich peninsula. American forces at
Al-Udeid, the largest US military base in the Middle East, effectively
serve as Qatar's private air-force. Qatar might even have snookered some
US bureaucrats into thinking that they are doing the US a favor by
allowing its troops to be there.
Trump's original idea of a US "Riviera" in Gaza, stems from an
"America First" point of view, may be the most constructive way to
successfully deter further military engagement for the United States in
the Middle East.
At the moment, however, it is crucial not to allow Qatar, Egypt
or any Arab state to get anywhere near Gaza. "His Excellency" al-Rumaihi
from Qatar is clearly telling you so.
The Trump administration is being sent early warnings of the
priorities of its possible "partner," Qatar, for the future of the Gaza
Strip. Pictured: U.S. President Donald J. Trump speaks with Qatari Emir
Tamim bin Hamad al Thani as he departs the Al Udeid Air Base on May 15,
2025, in Doha, Qatar. (Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images)
The Trump administration is being sent early warnings of the
priorities of its possible "partner," Qatar, for the future of the Gaza
Strip.
"His Excellency" Mohammed al-Rumaihi, Qatar's former ambassador to
the United States, and former Minister of Municipality and Environment, noted on July 5 that he is concerned about "keep[ing] the Palestinian cause alive – and its people," and slammed Israel:
"No major capital—neither Beijing, nor Moscow, nor
Washington—has labelled the Gaza campaign as 'systematic killing,' let
alone moved to punish Israel under Chapter VII of the UN Charter."
You are not left to guess which side of the conflict he is on.
He goes on to suggest "political engagement.... in negotiation rooms and policy forums."
Gosh, why didn't anyone ever think of that?! Unfortunately -- one
supposes deliberately -- al-Rumaihi, does not mention what "political
engagement" means. Does it mean negotiations, as in the calamitous Oslo
Accords, which legitimized the Palestine Liberation Organization leadership, committed the Palestinians to no further terrorism,
and, as there were no mechanisms to enforce compliance, which they
violated almost immediately? Does it mean elections, as in the 2006
election that brought the terrorist group Hamas to power in the Gaza
Strip? What al-Rumaihi seems to mean is that endless talking at least
serves to keeps his ball in play and delays the possibility of the
"wrong" outcome -- one that will "punish Israel."
Qatar has, after all, invested roughly up to $1.8 billion
in Hamas since Palestinians elected it to govern the Gaza Strip in
2006. Qatar's leaders are also, through their Al Jazeera broadcasting
empire, the primary mouthpiece for the fundamentalist Muslim
Brotherhood, the font of all the radical Islamic terrorist groups. Its motto is:
"Allah is our objective; the Prophet is our leader; the
Quran is our law; Jihad is our way; dying in the way of Allah is our
highest hope."
The Trump administration would do well to designate the Muslim
Brotherhood as a Foreign Terrorist Organization. Such a message might
slow down the supporters of terrorism, or at least take some of the fun
out of it for them.
Qatar, therefore, may understandably feel obligated to protect its
client Hamas, as it successfully did for Afghanistan's Taliban, another
of its beneficiaries. Qatar "helpfully" mediated in talks between the
Taliban and the US -- probably to make sure that the Taliban won -- as
it did. The Taliban's victory over the US, under the auspices of US
President Joe Biden's unceremonious surrender and the US forces' flight,
left the Taliban in control of Afghanistan, and swiftly rolling back all the advances, especially for women's rights, that the US took 20 years to build.
Meetings currently appear to be underway to create a possible "consortium"
of Arab and Muslim nations to govern the Gaza Strip – basically leaving
in place many of the same radical Islamic adherents of Hamas and the
Muslim Brotherhood, of which it is an offshoot, as before -- most likely
to make sure that Israel can be attacked again in the future as many
times as necessary to ensure its extinction.
The extremely tempting short-term view would be that Qatar's
involvement in Gaza would not only save the US much of the expense of
rebuilding the enclave, but also include a sweetheart deal: enormous
contracts, presumably paid for by Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds,
to some of the real estate developers negotiating the arrangement.
The long term view, unfortunately, could not be darker for Israel and
the US. Both countries could soon find themselves once again caught in
the middle of the inevitable blow-up when, Qatar, the world's largest
sponsor of terrorism and Hamas's long-term patron, protects its clients
in the Gaza Strip as devotedly as it protected the Taliban in
Afghanistan.
It is no secret that Qatar has been the major funder of effectively every Islamic terrorist group, including ISIS, Al Qaeda, Hamas and the Taliban. According
to Udi Levy, a former senior official of Israel's Mossad spy agency,
who dealt with economic warfare against terrorist organizations, "Qatar
is at the top of funding terrorism worldwide, even more than Iran."
Qatar's pattern seems to be supporting radical Islamic terrorist
groups, then offering to "mediate" between them and countries trying to
persuade them not to be terrorist groups. Qatar is hardly a neutral negotiator. According to the Middle East Media and Research Institute (MEMRI):
"Qatar has sustained the Taliban terrorist organization
for years, hosted their leadership in Doha, and enabled them to take
over Afghanistan's democratically elected secular government of Ashraf
Ghani in 2021, during which 13 American soldiers were killed."
Egypt has also been mentioned as one of the possible countries to be
included in this "consortium." There is probably no surer way to
preserve the continuation of a terrorist state in Gaza than to have
Egypt once again resume its bonanza of overseeing tunnels under the border between Israel and Egypt, to smuggle weapons and possibly terrorists back into Gaza, then sit by to watch Israel attacked again in a few years.
President Donald Trump -- whose initial instincts are often perfect
until "advisors" try to talk him out of them – originally suggested an
American-built "Riviera" on the Gaza Strip. Combined with a military
base, it would greatly serve the interests of the United States as well
as Israel – similarly to how the US stations the forward HQ of Central
Command and Air Forces Central Command at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, to
protect the oil-rich peninsula. American forces at Al-Udeid, the
largest US military base in the Middle East, effectively serve as
Qatar's private air-force. Qatar might even have snookered some US
bureaucrats into thinking that they are doing the US a favor by allowing
its troops to be there.
A high priority for Israel is having Hamas release all 50 of the
hostages it is still holding -- 20 possibly alive and the rest deceased.
Trump could expedite their release by informing Qatar that unless they
are all set free in one week, the US will move its forces from Al-Udeid
to the territory of a solid ally, such as the United Arab Emirates. What
about the forward HQ of Central Command on the Gaza Strip?
Qatar's leaders know full well that If the US ever were to relocate its forces from Qatar, according to John Mirisch, chief policy officer of the Israeli-American Civic Action Network, it is Qatar that has "everything to lose."
"The ultimatum would include the U.S. revoking Qatar's
non-NATO ally status (which never should have been granted in the first
place); it would include sanctions on Qatar, such as freezing Qatari
assets and personal sanctions on Qatar's royal family, including those
who own palatial mansions in Bel Air; it would include the threat of
shutting down and moving CENTCOM's Al-Udeid airbase, perhaps to Bahrain
or Saudi Arabia; it would include banning Al-Jazeera, which has already
been banned in a number of countries, as well as in the Palestinian
Authority."
Trump's original idea of a US "Riviera" in Gaza, stems from an
"America First" point of view, may be the most constructive way to
successfully deter further military engagement for the United States in
the Middle East.
At the moment, however, it is crucial not to allow Qatar, Egypt or
any Arab state to get anywhere near Gaza. "His Excellency" al-Rumaihi
from Qatar is clearly telling you so.
Robert Johnson is based in Europe and the Middle East
Severe flooding led to the death of children and counselors from the camp in Texas last week.
Federal regulators approved numerous appeals to remove Camp Mystic’s
buildings from their 100-year flood map dating back to 2013 under former
President Barack Obama and 2019 under the first Trump administration,
according to a report.
Severe flooding led to the death of children and counselors from the camp in Texas last week.
The Federal Emergency Management Agency designated the camp as a
“Special Flood Hazard Area” in its National Flood Insurance map for Kerr
County in 2011, which the Associated Press reported required the camp
to obtain flood insurance. The designation would also subject the camp
to a stricter set of regulations on future construction projects.
The
AP review showed FEMA in 2013 amended the county’s flood map to remove
15 of the camp’s buildings from the hazard area after an appeal. The
agency removed 15 more Camp Mystic buildings from the designation in
2019 and 2020.
The Israeli leader also calls out US media's 'disinformation campaign' on 'Life, Liberty & Levin'
President Donald Trump's
administration has been a staunch supporter of Israel, but the support
reached historic levels after the United States launched strikes against
Iranian nuclear facilities in June.
Seeming to
bolster the United States' and Israel's friendship is what Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called the "partnership" of "mutual
respect" and "open discussion" between leaders.
Netanyahu
explained how his partnership with Trump is "different" than prior
relations during an appearance that aired Saturday on "Life, Liberty & Levin."
"It's
not an equal partnership, because America is the leader of the free
world, and Israel is the bastion of the free world in the Middle East,
but it is one of mutual respect [and] open discussion," Netanyahu told Fox News
host Mark Levin, noting there is a "very clear unity of purpose"
between Trump and him that has enabled them "to achieve things that were
not achievable before that."
"Remember, I've been around many presidents. I've appreciated them. I respected them a lot, but this is different."
Netanyahu praised Trump's "refreshing view" on the current tensions and future outlook for the Middle East as well as the administration's support for Israel.
The Israeli leader also defended his nomination of Trump
for the Nobel Peace Prize, pointing to his leadership in the Middle
East and his efforts to broker peace in "every single corner of the
earth."
While
"deeply appreciative" of the federal government's support, Netanyahu
outlined his concerns with America's mainstream media "disinformation
campaign."
"We had a seven-front war, and we won on all fronts,
and winning on all fronts, but this is the eighth front. The
disinformation campaign is among us," he explained. "It takes a second
for a lie to circulate the world, and then you have to battle it with
the only weapon you have, which is the truth."
Since the war with Hamas
broke out following the attacks on Oct. 7, 2023, Israel has faced
growing scrutiny throughout the globe regarding its handling of the
situation in Gaza and escalating strikes from mainstream outlets and
social media users.
Netanyahu
pushed back on many of the "lies" spread, saying that "in the
electronic age — boy, that lie can encircle the earth 1,000 times."
"Shame
on you. You should be ashamed of yourself. That's not journalism.
That's not ethical. That's succumbing to the worst propaganda," the
Israeli prime minister said.
Although the media's coverage is a "handicap," Netanyahu vowed to "fight the information war, too," with the "weapon of truth."
Fox News Digital's Greg Wehner and Caitlin McFall contributed to this report.
Madeline Coggins is a Digital Production Assistant on the Fox News flash team with Fox News Digital.
According to the New York Times, Netanyahu revealed details of Operation Rising Lion with Gafni, who lacked security clearance, so that he would oppose a bill to bring about elections.
(L-R) MK Moshe Gafni and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over a backdrop of Iran.(photo credit: Canva, Chaim Goldberg/Flash90, Majid Asgaripour/West Asia News Agency/Reuters)
Netanyahu shared classified information about the upcoming strikes on Iran with Knesset Finance Committee chairman Moshe Gafni just three days before it was carried out, the New York Times revealed in a Friday report.
Netanyahu
invited Gafni, who lacked the necessary security clearance, to the
Kirya military headquarters, where he shared details with him on June 9,
just three days before the strike on Iran, the report revealed.
This came amid a growing Haredi threat to topple the government over a proposal for an IDF draft law.
Yet, according to the investigation, Gafni continued to threaten to
resign from the government despite the sensitive information he had
received.
The
investigation raises significant concerns about sharing classified
information with politicians who lack proper security clearance,
especially when these same politicians are threatening to bring down the
government. The full report, citing 110 Israeli, US, and Arab
officials, broadly details Netanyahu's decision-making based on the
survival of his political career during the ongoing war with Hamas in
Gaza.
In
a wider context, Netanyahu was preparing for one of the most
significant military operations in Israeli history. For decades,
Netanyahu had dreamed of destroying Iran’s nuclear program. During a
previous stint as prime minister, he had planned but ultimately called
off a major assault on Iran due to military concerns. As the war with
Gaza continued, Netanyahu had also cancelled a strike on Hezbollah,
fearing it would trigger a regional conflict with Hezbollah’s ally Iran.
Throughout 2024, Israel had engaged in sporadic exchanges with Iran but
avoided all-out war.
IDF infographic confirming the senior Iranian military personnel killed
by Israel since Operation Rising Lion began, June 17, 2025. (credit:
IDF SPOKESPERSON'S UNIT)Fast forward to June 2025.
Netanyahu decided that the time was ripe to strike. Iran was in an
unusually vulnerable position: its regional allies had been weakened or
defeated, and earlier Israeli strikes had damaged its air defenses.
Furthermore, with US President Donald Trump
negotiating with Iran to curb its nuclear ambitions, Netanyahu knew
that the opportunity to act might soon close. Trump, like previous US
presidents, had opposed a strike on Iran, and a deal could render such a
military action impossible.
Amid
this growing sense of urgency, Netanyahu moved to solidify his
political position at home. Several lawmakers in his fragile coalition,
unaware of the secret plans, were set to bring down his government. This
included the haredi lawmakers who were furious at proposals to end
their exemption from military service, the report noted.
These
lawmakers planned to join the opposition in a vote to dissolve
Parliament, which seemed likely to pass. While Netanyahu, as a caretaker
prime minister, could still order a strike on Iran, its legitimacy
would be undermined without the full support of his government, the
report noted.
Huckabee meets with Haredi leaders
The
New York Times also reported, in the midst of this political crisis,
that Mike Huckabee, Trump’s ambassador to Israel, came to Netanyahu’s
aid. Huckabee invited ultra-Orthodox politicians to the US Embassy in
Jerusalem, warning them that their maneuvers risked endangering Israel’s
fight against Iran.
According
to the report, Huckabee also told them that US support for Israel’s
military campaign would wane if the government collapsed, as Washington
would be less willing to back significant moves by an interim leader.
Notably, Huckabee has denied making these statements.
Given
these considerations, Netanyahu invited Gafni for a secret meeting on
June 9. Netanyahu was reportedly concerned that Gafni’s party might push
for the dissolution of the government, which would jeopardize his plans
to strike Iran.
Once
Gafni arrived at the Kirya around 6 p.m., Netanyahu presented him with a
confidentiality agreement, a standard procedure in Israel when sharing
classified information. Gafni signed the document, binding him legally
to keep the information secret.
Then,
Netanyahu revealed the details of the planned attack on Iran, which was
set to occur in just three days. According to the report, Gafni left
the meeting uncertain about Netanyahu’s true intentions. He wondered if
the prime minister, known for his political maneuvering, was playing him
or if the attack was indeed imminent. Despite his concerns, Gafni's
party voted to preserve the government, ensuring Netanyahu's survival as
prime minister. Less than 24 hours later, Israeli warplanes set off for
Iran, marking a critical moment in Netanyahu’s political career.
According
to Israel Cohen, a Haredi radio host and confidant of Gafni’s, “The
plan to strike Iran was the only thing that kept the Haredim from
dissolving the government. And Bibi knew that.”
Netanyahu's political decisions to prolong Gaza conflict
This
series of events aligns with the broader report's findings, which state
that Netanyahu's decision-making since the beginning of the war has
been focused on political survival rather than strategic gain or
diplomacy.
As
the war in Gaza reached its six-month mark in April 2024, Netanyahu was
presented with an opportunity to end the fighting through a ceasefire
deal brokered by Egyptian mediators. The proposal would have paused
hostilities for at least six weeks, creating space for negotiations with
Hamas and the release of over 30 hostages.
The
Saudi government, a major regional power, had even secretly signaled
its willingness to normalize relations with Israel, contingent on a halt
to the Gaza war. Despite these significant diplomatic breakthroughs,
Netanyahu hesitated. According to the New York Times, his decision to
delay negotiations and avoid presenting the ceasefire proposal was
driven by fears of collapsing his coalition, which was propped up by
far-right ministers who opposed any truce with Hamas.
The
report detailed a tense cabinet meeting in April 2024, where Finance
Minister Bezalel Smotrich confronted Netanyahu. Smotrich made it clear
that any deal with Hamas, especially a ceasefire, would not be
tolerated.
He
warned Netanyahu, “If a surrender agreement like this is brought
forward, you no longer have a government.” The pressure from Smotrich
and other far-right ministers forced Netanyahu to deny the existence of a
ceasefire plan that he intended to introduce during a cabinet meeting.
Instead
of presenting it to his cabinet, Netanyahu opted to placate his
coalition partners by assuring them that no such deal was on the table.
The Magazine delves into the life and character of Eyal Zamir – featuring conversations with peers from his years in military positions, people close to his family, officers who served alongside him.
IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir seen at the Western Wall, Judaism's holiest site, in Jerusalem's Old City(photo credit: CHAIM GOLDBEG/FLASH90)
When the 14-year-old Eyal Zamir
entered the Military Command Boarding School in 1980, he knew that he
wanted to have a military career. But as opposed to his peers, he wasn’t
aiming for the more elite commando units but rather to join the Armored
Corps. Why?
“I
was a young boy from Eilat who used to read a lot of books, and when I
read about the Yom Kippur War I would always see that the Armored Corps –
the tanks and whatnot – were saving the day,” Zamir likes telling those
who ask him. “I was the only one who wanted to go in that direction,”
he laughs when he repeats this story in various occasions.
Forty-five
years later, and after he had already retired from IDF service as a
major-general, he became the 24th chief of staff, receiving the
military’s highest rank, lieutenant-general. He was the man who was able
to maneuver what seemed impossible: attack Israel’s most vicious enemy,
Iran, in the most ingenious way, which will be taught in military
academies for decades to come.
Few
officers rise through the ranks of the Armored Corps to the very top,
but Zamir did just that. A few factoids: He’s the first
Yemenite-descended citizen to hold the post, and the first tanker to
lead the army in more than 40 years. Colleagues call him a “soldier’s
soldier,” a nickname earned during four decades that took him from the
resort city of Eilat to the general staff’s 14th-floor war room in Tel
Aviv. His appointment capped a career spent juggling front-line
commands, deep strategic planning, and day-to-day political liaison work
at the highest level.
He’s
not your average IDF chief of staff. He didn’t serve in elite combat
units like the General Staff Reconnaissance Unit (Sayeret Matkal) like
Ehud Barak or Shaul Mofaz did. But this may be one of the reasons that
even though his predecessors spoke incessantly of the Iranian threat,
just months after he entered his prestigious role he was able to
convince the political administration, including the prime minister, to
attack and that “we’re ready to do so in the best most possible way.”
EYAL ZAMIR is seen visiting the US Pentagon, in his capacity as Defense
Ministry director-general. (credit: IDF Spokesperson’s Unit)A month after Israel’s impressive opening attack on Iranian military targets, the Magazine
delves into the life and character of Eyal Zamir – featuring
conversations with peers from his years in military positions, people
close to his family, and officers who have served alongside him.
Humble servant
One way to define Zamir’s character is that he isn’t arrogant.
“We
are a nation that cherishes life, and to secure our future and our
freedom, we know how to make hard decisions,” he said on the third day
of the attack in Iran. But one statement differentiated him from all of
his predecessors: “The campaign is underway. Let us meet it with
humility, unity, steadiness, and faith in the justice of our cause.”
The
hubris that once defined Israel’s mostly elitist political and defense
establishments in their entirety isn’t something that Zamir adopted. On
the contrary, he speaks of humility. Something deeply lacking in those
responsible for Oct. 7 – those who, like him, have been part of the
old-school military tactic in Gaza. He understands the failure. He’s not
looking for people to blame but has taken the responsibility on his
shoulders.
Drafted
in 1984, Zamir chose tanks over the glamour of the air force, which
many of his peers sought. He commanded a platoon in the 500th Armored
Brigade, a company in the 460th Training Brigade, and by 1994, the 75th
Battalion of the vaunted 7th Brigade.
His
rise continued as operations officer of the 162nd Division and later
commander of the 7th Brigade itself – the IDF’s historical spearhead on
the Golan Heights. Two years leading the Gaash Division on the northern
frontier followed, exposing him to the Hezbollah threat, which would
preoccupy him later. Fellow officers describe a commander who “listens
more than he talks,” renowned for after-action reviews that run until
every private understands yesterday’s mistakes.
An
interesting and less discussed anecdote from his biography was that he
went on to study for a year at the École militaire in Paris. He didn’t
speak a word of French but was expected to study with officers from
around the world in this European language. “For three to four months,
he was just mumbling some gibberish version of what he thought was
French,” a friend who went to school with him recounted. “But he was
somehow able to deliver a speech to his class at the end of the year
about theories in combat,” the friend said.
Zamir’s
blend of field grit and strategic polish propelled him in 2012 to the
position of military secretary to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. For
three years, he briefed the premier daily, translating battlefield
jargon into political options during the tense run-up to Operation
Protective Edge.
Eyal Zamir is seen alongside his family. (credit: IDF Spokesperson’s Unit)
Speaking ‘Netanyahu lingo’
Working
with Netanyahu back then turned out to be quite significant: The prime
minister doesn’t trust most officials, and it is rare for him to have
long-lasting relationships with defense officials. Zamir, however, being
a humble, classic soldier who gets the job done, now has access to and
the trust of the prime minister. After Oct. 7 was blamed on both
Netanyahu and the defense establishment, previous chief of staff Herzi
Halevi and Netanyahu disagreed profoundly on several major issues, and
thus had a deep mistrust.
Just
recently, at the General Staff Forum at Tel Aviv’s Kirya base, Zamir
thanked Netanyahu and offered praise: “Prime Minister, I thank you and
the defense minister [Israel Katz] for our joint management and for
understanding the magnitude of this moment,” he said.
But
here’s where it becomes interesting: “The way the political echelon and
the military echelon rose together, in full synchronization,
cooperation, and unity of purpose, from the lengthy preparation stage,
through the decision-making processes, and on to the guidance you
provided, represents, in my view, a masterpiece of strategic political
leadership fused with military action. Much will be written about it,
and it is, in this sense, an example of leadership,” Zamir said.
Zamir
knows how to speak “Netanyahu lingo,” just like those who work with US
President Donald Trump need to know “Trump lingo.” Zamir praises
Netanyahu and their work, also promoting what he thinks is important,
with the understanding that the prime minister is the one calling the
shots.
Coming through the ranks
In
2015, Zamir assumed control of the Southern Command, overseeing Gaza
border defenses during the early tunnel wars and weekly fence riots. In
December 2018, he was promoted to deputy chief of staff, where he
co-authored the multi-year “Momentum” plan, aimed at preparing the IDF
for simultaneous wars in the North and the South.
In
2022, when Zamir was a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East
Policy, he wrote a comprehensive pamphlet dealing with various threats
to Israeli and American security.
In
his chapter on the Houthis, he foresaw that despite their nearly 2,000
km. distance from Israel, Iran could exploit them as an additional proxy
to attack the Jewish state, as well as to interfere with international
shipping.
Zamir
had several recommendations for neutralizing or reducing the Houthi
threat, such as disrupting Iranian weapons resupply to the Houthis by
air and sea.
He
wrote that the impact of such a sustained campaign would take time but
would eventually impact the Houthis’ ability to project power and
threaten parties beyond their borders, given that they have no land
border with the Islamic Republic.
In
addition, Zamir dispensed with the unrealistic idea of regime change
and ousting the Houthis completely from controlling Yemen, opting
instead for splitting the country between the Shi’ite-Houthis in
northern Yemen, including Sanaa, and the Sunni-internationally backed
council in southern Yemen, including Aden.
Through
these moves, he suggested that the Houthis could eventually be removed
from Iran’s active list of destabilizing proxies.
“When
Zamir wrote this paper on Iran and its proxies, the Houthis weren’t on
anyone’s radar yet,” a senior military officer said. “He met with heads
of the intelligence units, who were shocked about what was then a
revelation.”
Zamir
wrote that Tehran’s support for its Houthi proxy could enable Iran to
“seize influence in yet another territory, expand its regional
influence, open another front against its rivals, and threaten and deter
them,” labeling Yemen “an active front in the struggle” against Saudi
Arabia – and, by extension, Israel.
Eyal Zamir is seen signing a many-billion-euro deal with Germany to
provide Israel’s Arrow 3 missile defense system, 2023 (as Defense
Ministry director-general). (credit: IDF SPOKESPERSON'S UNIT)
Expertise
After
hanging up his uniform temporarily in 2023, Zamir crossed Kaplan Street
to serve as director-general of the Defense Ministry, signing
multi-billion-shekel US-funded contracts for Iron Dome and long-range
munitions. He headed the ministry, met with officials in the Biden White
House every few months in Washington, headed the purchase of armor and
military equipment, and created dialogue with defense officials
worldwide.
In
this role, Zamir promoted his agenda of encouraging more and more
production of ammunition and military technology in Israel, after a
non-official arms embargo on Israel, other than the US and a few small
Eastern European countries. He also facilitated the export of arms to
Morocco and the United Arab Emirates. With many of these countries, and
even their leaders, he had deep personal connections from his three-year
period in the Prime Minister’s Office the previous decade.
Several
individuals with close ties to Zamir noted that he has expertise
regarding a number of Middle Eastern countries, where he has established
deep personal relationships and a profound understanding of local
culture. He has frequently visited those countries, which cannot be
published due to their sensitivity.
Doctrine, dilemmas, the haredi draft
Strategically,
Zamir argues that Israel can no longer afford “small and smart”
boutique forces. The Oct. 7 massacre convinced him that the country
needs mass, mobility, and manufacturing independence. As chief of staff,
he ordered the Manpower Directorate to issue enlistment notices to
every 16.5-year-old haredi male, calling equal service “a national
imperative.” At the same time, he champions hi-tech warfare,
artificial-intelligence targeting, autonomous drones, and rapid-fire
precision artillery, believing that a larger IDF need not be a slower
one. His 2007 essay in the IDF’s journal Maarachot, which urged
commanders to prefer arrests over airstrikes when civilians might be
hit, still guides his thinking, but critics on the Right have muttered
that it signals excessive restraint. Zamir’s reply is that morality is
not a handicap but “a force multiplier that preserves Israel’s
legitimacy.”
Unlike
some of his predecessors, Zamir maintains an easy rapport with US
counterparts. A 2022 Washington Institute for Near East Policy
fellowship introduced him to Pentagon planners and Capitol Hill aides.
Since taking command, he has relied on those contacts for expedited
ammunition deliveries and coordinated strikes on Iranian targets.
However, he also tells cadets that Israel must be able “to fight a
multi-front war alone if dawn breaks with no allies awake.”
A family man
Off
duty, Zamir is happiest on a Negev hiking trail with his wife and their
German shepherd, or replaying historic tank battles on a battered
chessboard in the family living room.
Zamir
lives in the Ramot Hashavim moshav, north of Hod Hasharon, with his
wife, Orna, a former spokesperson and deputy director of the Hod
Hasharon Municipality. The couple have three children, all of whom
followed their father into service. Ori is a major and company commander
in the Armored Corps, who earned a Chief of Staff Commendation; Roni is
a reserve officer in the Golani Brigade’s Operations Division, who has
also been cited for excellence; and Itai, the youngest, is in high
school.
While
studying at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania and as
a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Zamir moved
to the US with his family. Sources close to the Zamir family say that
period was very significant for him. “He learned about American Jewry,
something he wasn’t aware of beforehand,” one source said. “He was also
very disturbed by the state of Jewish education.”
Not a politician
Ironically,
it was then-IDF chief Benny Gantz who paved the way for Zamir to become
the IDF chief by sending him to serve as Netanyahu’s military secretary
in 2022.
Zamir had never been involved in politics and was not drawn to the post; but Gantz pushed, so he accepted it.
It
is ironic because Gantz would later choose Herzi Halevi over Zamir as
IDF chief, which left Halevi with the baggage of being the military
chief on Oct. 7, and eventually meant that Zamir ascended to the post in
time to lead the historic war against Iran.
Despite
not wanting the role initially, sources close to Zamir say it was an
incredible position that gave him the opportunity to work with top
officials, such as US secretary of state John Kerry, foreign minister
Tzipi Livni, German chancellor Angela Merkel, Russian President Vladimir
Putin, US President Donald Trump, and Indian Prime Minister Narendra
Modi.
During
that time, Zamir tried to help Israeli efforts to torpedo US Gen. John
Allen’s plans for Israel to withdraw from the Jordan Valley, replacing
troops on the ground with new technological sensors and protection.
Following
the Oct. 7 era, sources close to Zamir say Israel was very lucky that
it succeeded in blocking the initiative to withdraw from the Jordan
Valley.
Rising Lion
Operation Rising Lion,
led by Zamir, was a huge success. About 200 Israeli aircraft dropped
330 precision munitions on more than 100 high-value sites, nuclear
plants at Natanz, Fordow, and Isfahan; IRGC command bunkers in Tehran;
and missile factories at Yazd and Mashhad. In the course of 12 days, the
air force struck 900 separate targets, killed at least 30 senior
security officials and 11 nuclear scientists, and destroyed more than
half of Iran’s 400 ballistic-missile launchers, according to senior IDF
briefings. By day three, Israeli jets had achieved “full operational
freedom” in Tehran’s airspace after suppressing local air defenses, a
milestone that spokesperson Brig. Gen. Effie Defrin called a “political
and military game-changer.”
Iran
answered with about 550 ballistic missiles and more than 1,000
explosive drones; IDF figures showed that its multilayer Arrow, David’s
Sling, Iron Dome, and US-deployed THAAD batteries intercepted 80% to 90%
of missiles and 99.9% of drones. Six missiles slipped through, striking
five IDF bases and, overall, killed 28 Israelis and wounded more than
3,000, the Health Ministry reported. Iranian sources cited 610 of their
citizens dead and 4,800 wounded. Israeli planners hailed the campaign
for resetting Iran’s nuclear and missile timelines “by years,”
demonstrating the ability to project sustained air power 2,000 km. from
home and to defend the civilian rear under unprecedented missile fire.
Future Iranian threats
Despite
the IDF’s game-changing war against Iran, there are still many critical
questions about how Zamir will handle Israeli security concerns
regarding Iran going forward.
Sources
close to him said that he hopes Trump will succeed in getting Tehran to
sign on to a new nuclear deal that will limit its nuclear program much
more strongly and longer than the 2015 deal.
In
the meantime, Israel, via the Mossad and the IDF, is still keeping a
watchful eye over new Iranian nuclear developments; but other than
Netanyahu’s trip to Washington this week, it is unclear if Jerusalem has
a defined policy on when it would use force again if Iran starts to
rebuild its nuclear program.
There
are Israeli statements about using a similar mechanism of consulting
with the US about Hezbollah rearmament violations and then striking and
preventing those rearmaments, but Israel finished the war with Hezbollah
in a much more powerful position than it was relative to the ceasefire
with Iran, even as it struck the Islamic Republic very hard.
Likewise,
sources close to Zamir indicated that there is not yet a set number of
new ballistic missiles, which, if Iran produced in the future, would
definitely lead Israel to act again against that separate threat.
Rather,
Zamir again hopes that Trump will convince Iran to agree to a broader
deal that places limits not only on the nuclear program but also on the
volume and range of future ballistic missile production by Iran.
For
example, if Iran continued to produce a large number of ballistic
missiles with a range below 1,300 km., given that Israel is at closest
1,500 km. away, such missiles might not be viewed as threatening to the
same degree.
But
what if the Islamic Republic does not agree to a new deal, or the deal
includes only nuclear issues and not ballistic missile issues?
This is an equally likely scenario, given that Trump’s statements have almost all focused on the nuclear threat.
In
that case, Zamir is not necessarily ready to commit that Israel would
definitely attack if Iran “merely” rebuilt its old ballistic missile
arsenal back from its current 500-1,000 level to its pre-war 2,500
level.
That
does not mean that Israel might not attack the arsenal again even
earlier than the 2,500 missile inventory point if Iran tries to rebuild
its arsenal.
But
it means that, unlike with Hezbollah, where the air force has a free
hand to strike any rearmament attempts, with Iran the evaluation and
process of deciding if and when to attack will be more complex and
dynamic, and it might require deeper consultation with Washington.
Gaza war
As
of the start of July, sources close to Zamir said that the three- to
four-month primary operations he has pushed forward in Gaza are nearing a
tipping point.
Zamir’s
operation has led to the IDF taking over 75% of the territory, boxing
in Hamas to a few contained areas in Gaza City, central Gaza, and the
al-Mawasi humanitarian zone.
This
had broken Hamas’s political control over sizable amounts of the
population in the southern Gaza areas of Khan Yunis, Rafah, and parts
north of Gaza City.
It has also broken Hamas’s monopoly and control over food distribution, at least in those areas.
And yet, Zamir recognizes that Hamas, while on life support, is still far from completely defeated or disarmed.
At
the start of July, his view was that in the next two to three weeks
there would be a new deal with Hamas returning additional hostages in
exchange for a ceasefire or possibly even an end to the war, or the
government would need to give the order to widen the operation for the
military to take over the remaining 25% of Gaza.
But
these areas are exactly where the hostages are being held, such that
Zamir believes that taking them over could elevate the risk to their
lives, which is why he would advise cutting a deal at this point.
Given
the additional leverage he has seized for the government, which has
already gotten Hamas to be somewhat more flexible in aspects of hostage
negotiations and regarding terms for governing Gaza post-war, he
believes it is time for the government to cut a deal, even if it is
imperfect.
Three
out of five Hamas brigades that had started to try to reconstitute
themselves during the January-March ceasefire were taken apart again by
Zamir’s operation, and the remaining two are still shadows of what they
were pre-war.
Given
how much weaker Hamas is now not only militarily but also politically
following its loss of control of land and food distribution in large
portions of Gaza, sources close to Zamir stated that he believes that
ending the war now to get hostages back sufficiently achieves the war’s
twin goals of retrieving the hostages and degrading Hamas’s capability
to pose a future threat to Israel.
West Bank – Judea and Samaria
Regarding
the West Bank, Zamir is plagued by several recent events, where gangs
of up to 70 Jewish extremists have attacked Palestinians and soldiers
alike.
He
wants to give Col. (res.) Avichai Tenami (the special project manager
to handle the issue of “hilltop youth”) time, resources, and personnel
to try to improve the situation with some of these Jewish extremists by
using dialogue and a more social welfare approach toward bringing them
back onto more normal and nonviolent tracks, said sources close to him.
However,
he, like every other senior official in the IDF, is extremely
frustrated with the small number of police arrests and convictions of
those extremists who have perpetrated violence against Palestinians and
against the IDF, as opposed to those who have just protested government
policies that they deem are not right-wing enough.
However,
given his surrender to the idea that Defense Minister Israel Katz will
not reverse himself on the issue and that Zamir is not willing to wage a
public fight over it, he is at least hopeful that Tenami can make some
progress through dialogue.
‘Ready to fight alone’
Historians
would surely debate the operational fine points, but one verdict
already seemed secure: Zamir had restored deterrence by pairing humility
with audacity. He left Iran’s nuclear timetable in tatters and
demonstrated that Armored Corps discipline could thrive alongside
21st-century precision. Future chiefs poring over his campaign would, no
doubt, pause over the maxims he drilled into every graduating class of
cadets: “We acted before it was too late because security delayed
becomes insecurity multiplied.”
Just
as often, he reminded field commanders: “Protect the civilians, and you
protect the country; that is the heart of every operation.” When asked
how Israel should prepare for tomorrow’s threats, his answer was always
the same: “When dawn breaks, Israel must be ready to fight alone and
still prevail.”
