Hala Mustafa and the Liberal Arab Predicament Part III

 

by David Govrin

 

3^rd part of 3

 

U.S. Democratization Policy and Egypt

It has long been the declared objective of U.S. foreign policy to support and advance the notion of democracy and civil rights around the world. This policy is firmly rooted in the American liberal tradition, and the traditional American approach, employed since the end of World War II, has been to preserve pro-Western regimes in the Middle East and to change the allegiance of states that collaborated with the Soviet Union.

In contrast, the George W. Bush administration developed a fresh U.S. perspective after the 9/11 attacks, treating the task of spreading democracy in the Middle East as a security-related strategic objective and not just as an exercise in spreading liberal, progressive values. Continued political stagnation in the Middle East was viewed as a threat to the peace and stability of the region and thus to the security of Western countries. A process of gradual democratization in the Middle East would, on the other hand, strengthen stability and promote prosperity and peace in the region.[38]

Mustafa sees attempts by the Bush administration to establish a "Greater Middle East"—via the "Middle East Partnership Initiative" adopted in December 2002[39]—being based on two ideas: first, the need to advance reform and democratization in the region, and second, to find a permanent solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict, which is a source of tension, violence, and instability. According to Mustafa, this initiative was introduced in a similar way to the 1975 Helsinki accords between the Western countries, including the United States, and the countries of the communist bloc in Eastern Europe. Although the purpose of the Helsinki accords was to ensure the mutual recognition of safe borders and to decide on an arbitration mechanism and other means of preserving peace, the agreements emphasized that signatories, including the Soviet Union, would provide legal frameworks to guarantee basic human rights and freedoms. Mustafa estimates that the U.S. and European assumptions behind the Helsinki accords provided inspiration for the idea of an expanded Middle East, which contains issues regarding liberalization and democratization that might determine U.S. relations with its allies in the region.[40]

Mustafa believes that the U.S. call for democracy and an increase in political participation, particularly for women, is in and of itself valid; but she says the cultural and social environment in the Arab world cannot yet respond to these demands. In terms of culture and social relations, the Arab world differs from Eastern Europe or Latin America. Individualism, liberalism, secularism, and modernity, which are linked to the essence of civil rights and freedoms as they developed in the West, are part of these societies' cultural norms, however much they differ in realizing these rights and freedoms.[41]

In the Arab world, most societies are still undergoing transformation not only through democratization but, more importantly, in matters of modernization. Therefore, any form of external support, like that of the U.S. initiative, will not succeed unless these changes are welcomed by Arab culture. Such changes should concern social relevance and cultural values as well as politics and procedural matters. To overcome these obstacles requires a broad outlook that considers all the social aspects with a view to a long-term policy that will not prioritize political democracy at the expense of cultural modernization and liberalism.[42]

Many of Mustafa's efforts have been devoted to convincing the U.S. government to change its policy towards Egypt and thus force profound political reforms in that country. In her opinion, Washington must give priority to political reforms over traditional issues such as the economy, commerce, and Egypt's role in preserving the regional status quo.[43]

Mustafa argues for an approach that involves direct pressure on the Egyptian regime to implement liberalization of the political environment and the media. The U.S. strategy should focus on reinforcing the liberal democrats and not just the democratic process itself, while prioritizing a constitutional reform based on secular principles. The goal is to open the political system, refashion the political elite, liberalize the media, empower women, and reevaluate the role of the security mechanisms in political life.[44]

How can this be brought about? Mustafa believes that between doing nothing and "the romantic option," as she puts it, which supports having elections now, Washington ought to choose a third option, namely, a gradual and consistent liberalization. This implies taking action in conjunction with some Arab leaders to open the political system, encourage open and more responsible media, increase the rate of women's participation in public life, carry out a modernization of the education system, improve the legal systems, and introduce gradual political reforms. This long and difficult process requires the investment of a great deal of attention from high political levels within the U.S. government.[45] Short of that, U.S. slogans about the "spread of democracy" will remain empty.[46]

 

Conclusion

Hala Mustafa stands out among New Arab Liberals for her courage, criticism, sharpness of thought, and public influence. She believes in a close association between existing Arab culture, customs, traditions, and behavior on the one hand and the process of democratization on the other. Pan-Arab nationalist and Islamist trends have nurtured a populist, political tradition that stands in opposition to values of pluralism, liberalism, and individualism. In Mustafa's eyes, it is unfortunate that the political culture and Arab politics emphasize the role of the collective over the individual and favor group affinities over national. All of these have raised obstacles to a multiparty, democratic regime.

There must be a change in the makeup of the current political elite, which monopolizes the technocratic, bureaucratic, and security bodies, if the current stagnation is to end. Mustafa holds that increasing the proportion of women's representation and participation in the reform process is an essential step. And she believes Washington must change its policy to favor modernization and cultural liberalization over procedural democracy.

The Arabic-speaking countries boast no full democracies, but that does not mean there are not many Arabs who aspire to democracy. However, they are just too few in number to make much of a difference. Since the mid-1950s, military-backed regimes and the majority of political movements and parties in Arab countries have pushed democracy to the margins of public life. Instead, their political agendas have been the creation of an Arab identity, the struggle to free individual countries from colonial rule, and the achievement of pan-Arab unity.

In the early 1980s, however, inspired by the democratization that had been taking place in Portugal (from 1974), Spain (from 1975), South America, and several Asian countries, some Arabic-speaking intellectuals raised the question of whether or not democracy is a universal principle. After the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the defeat of Iraq in the Kuwait war, the Arab Middle East witnessed a wide-scale public discourse on the issue of political reform and democratization. The post-9/11initiatives of former U.S. president George W. Bush regarding democratization in the region further stimulated this debate.

But that debate still flounders, held back everywhere by illiberal regimes and the growing strength of religious revivalism. Without free speech, there can be little hope for real progress. The opprobrium unleashed on Hala Mustafa simply for meeting the ambassador of a country with which Egypt is at peace, shows how difficult democratization can be when confined by public bigotry and governmental inertia. If the United States and other Western powers are serious about promoting democracy and the freedoms that go with it, they must resolve to put their strength behind the reformers, including the New Arab Liberals.

 

David Govrin

Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors.

 

[1] Hani Nusari, "Al-Liberaliyun al-Judad fi 'l-Mintaqa al-'Arabiya," Milaff al-Ahram al-Istratiji, Nov. 2004; Majdi Khalil, "Al-Liberaliyun al-'Arab al-Judad … Khalfiya 'Amma (1)," METransparent.com, May 5, 2006.
[2] Nusari, "Al-Liberaliyun al-Judad fi 'l-Mintaqa al-'Arabiya," p. 119; Said 'Akasha, "Limadha Fashalat Ajyal al-Liberaliyin al-Misriyin fi 't-Tahawwul ila Tayar Fikri aw Siyasi," Ahwal Masriya (Cairo), Fall 2002, pp. 124-32.
[3] Shimon Shamir, "Hayesh 'Atid Lemegamot Haneorut baolam Ha'aravi?" Alpayim, 31(969):141, 149-50; Hazm Sa'giya, "Nazra ila Masa'ib an yakun al-Mar'a Liberaliyin fi 'l-'Alam al-'Arabi," Al-Hayat (London), May 15, 2003.
[4] Shaker al-Nabulsi, "Hal yataqadam al-Liberalyun wa-tataraj'a al-Usuliya," Elaph (London), Mar. 24, 2008.
[5] Hala Mustafa, interview, Al-Misri al-Yawm (Cairo), Nov. 19, 2006; Al-Misri al-Yawm, Nov. 4, 2008.
[6] Hala Mustafa and Augustus Richard Norton, "Let's help Egypt get democratic," Newsday, Feb. 16, 2007.
[7] Hala Mustafa, "Our secular legacy," Al-Ahram Weekly (Cairo), Jan. 15-21, 2004.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Hala Mustafa, Al-Islam al-Siyasi fi Misr: Min Harakat al-Islah ila Jama'at al-'Unf (Cairo: Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, 1992).
[10] Hala Mustafa, Al-Dawla wa al-Harakat al-Islamiya al-Mu'ara'da (Cairo: Al-Mahrusa Center, 1995).
[11] Hala Mustafa and Augusts Richard Norton, "Stalled Reform: The Case of Egypt," Current History, Jan. 2007, p. 40; Roger Cohen, "10 Reasons Terror Meets Silence from Muslims," The New York Times, Oct. 26, 2005.
[12] Mustafa, Al-Misri al-Yawm, Nov. 4, 19, 2006.
[13] Hala Mustafa, interview, Al-'Arabi al-Nasiri (Cairo), Dec. 10, 2006.
[14] Al-Ahram (Cairo), Feb. 3, 2010.
[15] Al-Misri al-Yawm, Sept. 18, 19, 25; Ar-Ra'y (Amman), Sept. 18, 2009; Al-Quds al-'Arabi (London), Sept. 23, 2009.
[16] Hala Mustafa, "Ending the Silent War in Egypt," The Washington Post, Dec. 24, 2005.
[17] Mustafa, "Ending the Silent War in Egypt"; Al-Misri al-Yawm, Nov. 4, 2008.
[18] Hala Mustafa, "A Policy for Promoting Liberal Democracy in Egypt," Voices from the Middle East on Democratization and Reform, Foundation for Defense of Democracies, May 2006, p. 2.; Mustafa, "Ending the Silent War in Egypt."
[19] Mustafa, "Ending the Silent War in Egypt."
[20] Hala Mustafa, "Dubious Democracy on the Nile," The Washington Post, Nov. 5, 2005.
[21] Hala Mustafa, "Egypt Constitutional Reform: Islamism Versus Secular Liberalism," Democracy Review, Jan. 2007.
[22] Hala Mustafa, "Al-Liberaliya al-Mafquda 'Arabiyan," Al-Dimuqratiya, Apr. 2003.
[23] Hala Mustafa, "The Return of the Spirit," Al-Ahram Weekly, Jan. 13, 2005.
[24] Hala Mustafa, "Al-Kalima, al-Hurriya wa al-Ma'suliya," Al-Ahram (Cairo), Jan. 17, 2006; Hala Mustafa, "On the Discourse of Reform," Al-Ahram Weekly, Apr. 15, 2004; Ibrahim Abrash, "Al-Dimuqratiya bayna Almaniyat al-Fikra wa Khususiyat at-Tatbiq Mukaraba Li 't-Tagharruba al-Maghribiya," Al-Mustaqbal al-'Arabi (Beirut), Nov. 1999, pp. 52-8; Fawaz Girgis, "At-Taswiya as-Silmiya wa 't-Tatawwur ad-Dimuqrati fi 'l-Watan al-'Arabi," Al-Mustaqbal al-'Arabi, Nov. 2000, p. 187.
[25] Mustafa, "Al-Liberaliya al-Mafquda 'Arabiyan."
[26] Hala Mustafa, "A Better Middle East," Al-Ahram Weekly, Feb. 26, 2004.
[27] Hala Mustafa, "Al-Fard Masdar Sa'ada al-Mujtama' wa Mustahiqquha," Al-Dimuqratiya, July 2003.
[28] Hala Mustafa, "Al-Liberalyun wa San'a al-Mustaqbal," Al-Dimuqratiya, Oct. 2003; Hala Mustafa, "Al-Fard Masdar Sa'ada al-Mujtama' wa Mustahiqquha."
[29] Hala Mustafa, "Al-Mashru'a as-Siyasi al-Almani: Hal Naqaha fi Taqdim Badil," Al-Dimuqratiya, Jan. 2002.
[30] Hala Mustafa, "Hata la Nadur fi Halqa Mufarriqa," Al-Ahram, Apr. 29, 2003.
[31] Mustafa, "Hata la Nadur fi Halqa Mufarriqa."
[32] Mustafa, "A Policy for Promoting Liberal Democracy in Egypt."
[33] Mustafa and Norton, "Stalled Reform: The Case of Egypt," p. 40.
[34] Hala Mustafa, "Hadith al-Azhar…wa 'l-'Awda li 's-Su'al al-Awwal: Madha 'an al-Hal as-Siyasi," Asharq al-Awsat (London), Apr. 11, 2005.
[35] Hala Mustafa, "Confronting Present and Past," Al-Ahram Weekly, Apr. 21, 2005.
[36] Mustafa, Al-'Arabi al-Nasiri, Dec. 10, 2006.
[37] Mustafa, "Dubious Democracy on the Nile."
[38] Richard N. Haass, "Towards Greater Democracy in the Muslim World," remarks to the Council on Foreign Relations, Washington, D.C., Dec. 4, 2002.
[39] "Middle East Partnership Initiative," U.S. Department of State, accessed Mar. 30, 2010.
[40] Mustafa, "A Better Middle East."
[41] Hala Mustafa, "Al-Mubadara al-Amrikiya Li 'd-Dimuqratiya fi 'l-'Alam al-'Arabi," Al-Dimuqratiya, Jan. 2003.
[42] Ibid.
[43] Hala Mustafa, "A Policy for Promoting Liberal Democracy in Egypt," p. 7.
[44] Ibid., p. 7-9.
[45] Hala Mustafa and David Makovsky, "Building Arab Democracy," The Washington Post, Nov. 18, 2003.
[46] Hala Mustafa, "Amrika wa 'd-Dimuqratiya fi 'sh-Sharq al-Awsat," Al-Dimuqratiya, Oct. 2002.

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