by Alexander B. Gray
By reviving hemispheric defense, Trump signals America will secure its own neighborhood—starting with Greenland—before China or Russia entrench themselves in the High North.
President Trump’s decisive action against the illegitimate Maduro regime in Venezuela has focused world attention on the Western Hemisphere. This is all to the good, as the Trump administration has made clear the priority Washington attaches to its own neighborhood. The recent National Security Strategy emphasized that after three decades of counterproductive wars in the Middle East and South Asia, this administration would prioritize defense of the American homeland and our own hemisphere. It further established the “Trump Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine, holding that “extra-hemispheric powers” (think China, Russia, and Iran) would not be permitted to meddle in the hemisphere. Maduro’s connivance with all three contributed to his downfall under this long-overdue recalibration of America’s core interests.
Since the Maduro operation, speculation has abounded as to whether the president will pursue further action under the rubric of “hemispheric defense,” the traditional American strategic concept of fortifying key defensive nodes across the hemisphere. Greenland, which the president has long expressed interest in bringing closer to the United States, represents the most important and strategically necessary step in furthering America’s hemispheric defense umbrella. And while President Trump has greatly advanced the conversation on Greenland’s criticality to U.S. national security, he is not the first commander in chief to actively seek to acquire Greenland: Presidents from Andrew Johnson to Woodrow Wilson to Franklin Roosevelt to Dwight Eisenhower have all pursued the acquisition of the world’s largest island.
With the momentum building for the Trump administration to expand upon its appropriate and overdue prioritization of the Western Hemisphere and its defense, the president can take several appropriate and proportional actions that advance his very real interest in bringing Greenland closer to the United States. Such actions are warranted by the extraordinary threat posed to U.S. national security should adversaries like China and Russia gain further ground in Greenland and the High North, which remain sparsely defended. Recent Chinese submarine activity in the Arctic demonstrates the pervasive and expanding nature of the threat facing the hemisphere from outside powers, as well as China’s publicly reported war gaming of combat scenarios in the Western Hemisphere.
First, the administration should do exactly what Denmark has been asking it to do – request expansive military access under the terms of the 1951 Defense of Greenland Agreement. Copenhagen repeatedly argues that Washington does not need closer relations with Greenland because it enjoys broad military access under the terms of the 1951 treaty, yet has rarely exercised those rights in recent decades. President Trump should take this issue off the table immediately by requesting Danish cooperation in transferring substantial U.S. assets to Greenland, including anti-submarine warfare aircraft; Arctic training and support personnel and equipment; intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance assets; and appropriate Special Operations units. The administration could follow this quickly with a larger proposal for a more robust facilities presence in Greenland, to include naval and air facilities and permanent training installations; the establishment of a permanent Joint Task Force Greenland, commanded by a two-star officer; and the upgrading of Pittufik Space Base to a flag officer billet.
Second, while bureaucratic reorganization may not seem important, it sends a powerful signal of intent and commitment. The president has expressed his long-term desire to bring Greenland into the United States in some fashion; therefore, where Greenland sits bureaucratically within the U.S. government matters. While the Department of State should continue discussions with Denmark on a wide array of bilateral issues, key functions related to Greenland should be moved to the Department of the Interior and split between the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Bureau of Insular Affairs. The former is well placed to encourage dialogue with Greenlanders, given their close association with Alaska natives and other indigenous peoples, and the latter administers U.S. territories like Guam and American Samoa and liaises with Freely Associated States like the Marshall Islands, Micronesia, and Palau. This bureaucratic structure better reflects America’s vision of a unique relationship with Greenland and its people, and frames the conversation on Greenland’s future political status in an appropriate manner.
Third, while the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) is being reviewed, Greenland should be offered an opportunity to join in some fashion, either with annexes covering Greenland-specific issues that would provide overwhelming benefit to Greenlanders, or as an associate member. The extraordinary economic benefits of greater integration with North America represent a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for the Greenlandic people; such an extended hand of friendship and respect would demonstrate the president’s long-term commitment to a closer relationship. Justifying rejection of such an offer would be politically difficult for either Nuuk or Copenhagen.
Fourth, the Department of Homeland Security can designate a “critical infrastructure zone” surrounding Greenland, to include subsea cables, radar arrays, and space sensors. This more formally integrates Greenland into DHS planning and makes clear that Washington sees the safeguarding of Greenland’s infrastructure as inseparable from America’s larger critical infrastructure protection efforts. In light of recent Chinese and Russian activity in these areas, this is both a practical step and an important signal of seriousness.
Finally, to make clear the long-term view of Greenland as an integral part of the Western Hemisphere and a key node in hemispheric defense, the administration can designate Greenland as a “Tier-1 Strategic Territory of the United States,” bureaucratic nomenclature equivalent to Guam or Diego Garcia. This sends a powerful signal to the world, and to Congress, that the administration will resource its long-term effort to bring Greenland closer to the United States commensurate with its strategic significance.
Taken together, these steps offer an immediate roadmap for President Trump and his administration to build upon the momentum of the operationalization of the “Trump Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine and the return to hemispheric defense. These actions reflect the president’s clear understanding of Greenland’s criticality to American national security and the need to take clear, calibrated, and purposeful steps toward realizing stronger ties between Americans and Greenlanders.
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Alexander B. Gray
Source: https://amgreatness.com/2026/01/09/u-s-has-many-options-on-greenland-now-is-the-time-to-act/
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