by Prof. Paul Eidelberg
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Part I: To
On the eve of battle, Patton would admonish his soldiers: "The object of war is not to die for your country. It is to make the other poor dumb bastard die for his." This requires confronting and killing the enemy on the battlefield.
"Never let the enemy rest." No cease fires or hudnas. Unconditional surrender should be
"We want the enemy to KNOW that they are fighting the toughest fighting men in the world!" This precludes benevolence (which Arabs despise). Just as Hamas terrorists would show no mercy to you, so you should show no mercy to them. These terrorists must be killed even if this results in civilian casualties.
"Forget about army regulations ... [which] are written by those who have never been in battle...Our only mission in combat is to win." Hence general officers may sometimes have to disobey orders of the political echelon!
Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Defense Minister Ehud Barak must not shy from these war principles, which would require them to order the IDF to confront and kill the enemy primarily on the battlefield. Bombing the enemy's infrastructure should not obscure the importance of destroying the enemy's ground forces. The defeat of these Arab terrorists must be so thorough that it will eradicate their desire to wage war for a hundred years — the policy of the Allies powers that made militant
Israel's political echelon will be reluctant to pursue this policy not for humanitarian reasons — recall its brutality ay Amona — but it fears world opinion, UN condemnation, and possible sanctions. This fear cannot but undermine the General Staff and the fighting spirit of Israeli soldiers. This fear is baseless.
It is of capital importance that
Israel's victory in Gaza will ultimately depend on whether its General Staff is animated by the profound sense of good and evil that inspired America's greatest generals — suffice to mention, along with Patten, William Tecumseh Sherman of Civil War fame. Both generals inspired their armies with complete confidence in the justice of their cause. Yet both pursued a war strategy that actually minimized casualties on all sides. They imbued their soldiers with the will to win and in the shortest possible time. This requires the use of overwhelming force and the uninterrupted attack.
The general who believes in the justice of his country's cause will not shy from cruelty against Hamas because it is by means of cruelty that he can shorten the war and thus minimize bloodshed. Thus, in this war between good and evil, those Israeli generals who implement the principles of war will be our greatest humanists.
Part II: General Carl von Clausewitz on War
Let us recall certain lessons on war by one of the greatest military scientists, General Carl von Clausewitz (1780-1831).
Clausewitz's magnum opus, On War, is studied in military schools to this day. He defines war as "an act of violence intended to compel our opponent to fulfill our will. Violence is the means; submission of the enemy to our will the ultimate object." For as long as the enemy remains armed, he will wait for a more favorable moment for action.
The ultimate object of war is political. To attain this object fully, the enemy must be disarmed. Disarming the enemy "becomes therefore the immediate object of hostilities. It takes the place of the final object and puts it aside as something we can eliminate from our calculations."
Clausewitz warns: "Philanthropists may readily imagine there is a skillful method of disarming and overcoming an enemy without causing great bloodshed, and that this is the proper tendency of the Art of War. However plausible this may appear, still it is an error which must be extirpated; for in such dangerous things as war, the errors which proceed from a spirit of benevolence are the worst."
Not that Clausewitz advocates indiscriminate slaughter. He warns, however, that "he who uses force unsparingly, without reference to the bloodshed involved, must obtain a superiority if his adversary uses less vigor in its application." "Let us not hear of Generals who conquer without bloodshed. If a bloody slaughter is a horrible sight, then that is a ground for paying more respect to War, but not for making the sword we wear blunter and blunter by degrees from feelings of humanity, until someone steps in with one that is sharp and lops off the arm from our body."
It follows that moderation or self-restraint as a principle of war is absurd. To defeat the enemy the means must be proportioned to his power of resistance, and his power of resistence must be utterly crushed.
The statesman must take into account not only the forces of the enemy. He must solidify the confidence and determination of his people. They must believe in the justice of their country's cause and understand the importance of victory as well as the consequences of defeat. The statesman must display wisdom, decisiveness, and clarity.
Above all the statesman must have, in his own mind, a clear view of his post-war goal or political object. The political object will determine the aim of military force as well as the amount of force or effort to be used.
This is the crucial point in
Is it simply to stop Hamas from further attacks on
Part III: Destroy the Enemy to Obtain One Hundred Years of Peace: Epaminondas
"Those who wish to enjoy peace must be ready for war."
Referring to the democratic reformer Epaminondas, the warrior-philosopher whose Theban army defeated
"I think it is almost axiomatic that if a general of a great democratic march is not hated, is not sacked, tried, or relieved of command by his auditors after his tenure is over, or if he has not been killed [as was Epaminondas] or wounded at the van, he has not utilized the full potential of his men, has not accomplished his strategic goals — in short, he is too representative of the very culture that produced him, too democratic to lead a democratic army ..."
"... we of the academic class are sometimes reluctant to equate mastery of military command with sheer intellectual brilliance. But to lead an army of thousands into enemy territory requires mental skills far beyond that of the professor, historian, or journalist — far beyond too the accounting and managerial skill of the deskbound and peacetime officer corps."
"From Epaminondas's philosophical training [he was a Pythagorean], the corpus of his adages and sayings that have survived, and his singular idea to take 70,000 men into
"In short, Epaminondas, the philosopher, may have been the best educated man of the ancient world — an education that stressed logic, mathematics, rhetoric, memorization, philosophy, and literature, an education far more valuable to the leadership of great democratic armies than what is offered in most universities today...."
"There was one key ingredient to Epaminondas's military career that perhaps stands as an exemplar of democratic leadership. Such generals must not be timid or afraid, must not lead their army in the very manner in which they themselves are audited and held accountable by a democratic consensus. Epaminondas by all accounts was a zealot and fanatic — Sherman and Patton [discussed the in sequel] perhaps even more so. The worst generals in the ancient and modern worlds were those with a constant feel for the pulse of the assembly or board of overseers ..."
"Armies are not assemblies. The conduct of war is not a discussion over taxes of public expenditures. The very qualities that make a poor democratic statesman in peacetime — audacity, fatalism, truthfulness, fearlessness, initiative, hatred of compromise, fanaticism, even recklessness — are critical for command of a great egalitarian army, just as the strengths of a politician — affability, consensus-building, retrospection, manners, inactivity even — can prove lethal to a campaign."
"Would that the American generals Schwarzkopf or Powell had risked resigning for insisting that American troops march into Baghdad to liquidate the [Saddam] Hussein regime [in 1991]."
And what shall we say of various Israeli generals who adhered to the feckless policy of self-restraint vis-à-vis
Prof. Paul Eidelberg
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