by Isi Leibler
Labor's current list includes post-Zionists who condemn the national anthem as racist, call on mothers not to send their children to the army, and openly declare that they are not Zionist. This is the context that has led to the rise of the "centrist" parties, which have impacted the dysfunctionality and instability of the entire political system. These parties -- Yesh Atid, Yisrael Beytenu and Kulanu -- are politically amorphous and lack genuine ideologies. Despite their flow of predominantly negative political babble and raucous electioneering, their principal role is to represent vehicles for their leaders to ruthlessly exploit in order to promote their own personal political aspirations.
The wretched state of
Israeli politics and this unnecessary election has alienated many
voters. But opinion polls can be very misleading, especially in the
absence of compulsory voting, and the results could well present major
surprises.
The reality is that the
primitive primary system by which Likud and Labor (running on the
Zionist Union ticket) choose their Knesset candidates has enabled
well-organized fringe groups to promote the candidacy of radicals who
do not share the mainstream view of their respective parties. Labor's
current list includes post-Zionists who condemn the national anthem as
racist, call on mothers not to send their children to the army, and
openly declare that they are not Zionist.
This is the context
that has led to the rise of the "centrist" parties, which have impacted
the dysfunctionality and instability of the entire political system.
These parties -- Yesh Atid, Yisrael Beytenu and Kulanu -- are
politically amorphous and lack genuine ideologies. Despite their flow
of predominantly negative political babble and raucous electioneering,
their principal role is to represent vehicles for their leaders to
ruthlessly exploit in order to promote their own personal political
aspirations.
Yair Lapid, Avigdor
Lieberman and Moshe Kahlon handpick their candidates and have all made
it abundantly clear that the only criteria for joining a government
headed by Likud or Labor will be the position that they can personally
leverage for themselves.
The situation becomes
more complex because the new Joint Arab List likely to represent a
formidable voting bloc, obtaining as many as 12 to 15 Knesset seats,
even possibly becoming head of the opposition if a broad government is
formed. And if, as current polls suggest, Likud and the Zionist Union
emerge with very close results, the Arab bloc could for the first time
influence the outcome by recommending that President Reuven Rivlin gives
the Zionist Union the first option of forming a government.
The most distressing
aspect of this election has been the lack of any serious debate on the
crucial issues currently facing Israel.
Indeed, the only item
that has dominated the media has been the "Anyone but Bibi" campaign,
comprised of an unprecedented mudslinging and personal demonization of
Netanyahu. No other Western prime minister has ever been subjected to
such petty and vicious scrutiny and such a vindictive campaign of
defamation and slander. His wife was portrayed as a witch from Salem.
His household culinary preferences, rebates on recycled bottles,
excessive house cleaning and petty cash expenses have been front-page
headlines. That the expenses of former President Shimon Peres were 20
times more and that none of his predecessors were subjected to such
scrutiny speaks for itself. The visceral personal hatred of Netanyahu
by Noni Mozes, the publisher of the daily Yedioth Ahronoth, who formerly
championed Ehud Olmert, is highlighted daily on the front pages and
represents a disgusting example of the depths to which the media has
descended.
The prime minister has
antagonized many people, but it is difficult to fault his responsible
leadership during the course of the Gaza war. The opposition has no
shame when it condemns him for failing to finish off Hamas. Similarly,
despite fierce opposition, his congressional address was a huge success
and certainly did not undermine Israel's relationship with the U.S. as
predicted.
But regrettably, it is
Netanyahu personally who is being attacked, rather than his policies.
Setting aside social-economic issues such as housing and inequality,
concerning which both Netanyahu and Herzog have both pledged to bring
about reforms, many Israelis seem to be unaware or unconcerned about
the fact that over the next three or four years, the government will
undoubtedly face extraordinary challenges and be obliged to take
decisions that will have a major impact on the long-term future and
security of the Jewish state.
We are a tranquil oasis
in a region engulfed by the most terrible barbarism, and unfortunately
there are no signs on the horizon of any easing of the carnage and
upheavals. We must strive to strengthen our relations with Egypt and
gird ourselves for the possibility of renewed terrorist initiatives
emanating from Iran, Islamic State, Hezbollah, Hamas and even the
Palestinian Authority, which shares the same objectives as Hamas.
Beyond this, we are
aware that for the remainder of U.S. President Barack Obama's term in
office, his administration is determined to continue its pressure on
Israel to withdraw to indefensible borders and make further concessions
which could have profound long-term repercussions impacting on the
security of our children and grandchildren.
Voters should
understand that the composition of the next government will have major
ramifications on these crucial issues. They should also take into
account that recent precedents in Israel have demonstrated that, in the
absence of cabinet responsibility, overall policies are largely
determined by the prime minister, with coalition partners having little
influence over major decisions.
Under such
circumstances, Israelis should not cynically dismiss the election as
theater. They should exercise their right to vote and concentrate on
one of the two major blocs rather than flippantly casting their votes
to the "centrist" parties.
They must recognize
that there are major differences of approach between the policies of
Netanyahu and Herzog. They should set aside prejudice regarding
personalities and support the party whose leader they consider would be
best-equipped to head the nation during this critical period and who is
most capable of confronting the pressures from the Obama
administration and providing security in the face of our adversaries.
That means supporting either Likud and Benjamin Netanyahu or Isaac
Herzog and Tzipi Livni of the Zionist Union.
Netanyahu has made it
clear that he would not countenance any further unilateral concessions
to the Palestinians at this time, which he maintains would merely
endanger Israel and advance the cause of the terrorists. He will resist
pressures from the Obama administration and feels assured of the
support of Congress and the American people.
Herzog and Livni
believe that Israel should make a deal with Abbas, whom they still
consider a peace partner, and would support another disengagement with
the Palestinian Authority. They also suggest that they will placate
Obama by making such concessions and agreeing on future borders.
In this context, voters
should determine whether they consider Netanyahu or Herzog/Livni to be
most capable to direct the destiny of the nation as prime minister over
the next crucial years. They should vote for that candidate's party
and avoid centrist parties that essentially subcontract their votes to
individuals who will employ them primarily for personal ambition. That
could result in unintended consequences and the formation of a
government quite contrary to the genuine will of the nation.
Isi Leibler's website can be viewed at www.wordfromjerusalem.com. He may be contacted at ileibler@leibler.com.
Source: http://www.israelhayom.com/site/newsletter_opinion.php?id=11929
Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors.
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