by Eldad Beck
Josef Schuster, the president of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, is less concerned about the Islamists in Germany and more about the general public: "Anti-Semitism disguised as criticism against Israel is now acceptable in Germany," he says.
|
President of the
Central Council of Jews in Germany Josef Schuster
Photo: AP
Israeli
flags are being set on fire by brainwashed masses; Jewish
schoolchildren are coming under attack at schools; national television
networks are broadcasting anti-Israel propaganda during Christmas
season; the foreign minister publicly accuses Israel of being an
"apartheid state" – all these things are not happening in a hostile
Middle Eastern country. No. They happened in Germany, which purports to
maintain warm relations with Israel.
In the most recent parliamentary election, a
problematic right-wing party became the third largest in the Bundestag,
but it was this problematic party that was actually the only one in
Germany to support U.S. President Donald Trump's Dec. 6 recognition of
Jerusalem as Israel's capital. At the U.N., Germany voted against this
recognition, while at home, three months after the election, there is
still no new government. A renewed "grand coalition" bringing Chancellor
Angela Merkel's conservatives together with the social democrats, if
established, may prove unstable.
Josef Schuster, a physician specializing in
internal medicine, is facing this tense interim period as the president
of the Central Council of Jews in Germany. He may have been born in
Israel, but he is a descendant of one of Germany's oldest Jewish
families – a rarity among the uprooted and immigrant Jews who gathered
in Germany after World War II.
Schuster, 63, was appointed to the position
shortly before the start of the country's immigrant crisis, with its
dramatic implications in Germany. He was the first to alert the public
to the threat of the imported anti-Semitism brought into Germany by the
hundreds of thousands of Muslim immigrants flooding the country. He was
viciously criticized for this warning, but time only proved he was
right. Now, however, he identifies a different threat as the main danger
facing German Jewry.
Q: Are you concerned about Germany's current state?
"No, but I would be happier if a stable
government were to be established in the near future. Too long without
an elected government is a recipe for stagnation."
Q: The previous "grand coalition"
played a destabilizing role in Germany. Isn't it dangerous to try for
another coalition like that?
"I'm not convinced your assessment is
accurate. There were decisions that certainly led to developments that
were less desirable in my opinion, but I think that another coalition
would have made the same decisions."
Q: What developments would be desirable for you?
"The immigration crisis in 2015. The
chancellor's decision to open the borders, while I can understand her
motives – any Jew understands too well what it means to be forced to
flee your home – at that moment, no one foresaw that the sheer number of
people that would arrive, coming from a completely different cultural
background, would cause the kind of problems that ultimately emerged, or
how difficult these problems would be to solve. As early as the fall of
2015, the chancellor arranged a meeting, inviting representatives of
all the affected groups. I was the only one who used that forum to warn
against imported anti-Semitism. The others viewed the influx of
immigrants as positive. I didn't express a negative stance, only
concern. Today, the situation is different in Germany. I am sure that we
will not see another massive influx like we experienced then,
regardless of the makeup of the future coalition."
Between the extreme Right and the populist Right
The Jewish community, headed by Schuster,
maintains no contact with Alternative for Germany (AfD) – currently the
third largest party in the Bundestag. "The way I see it, it is a
populist right-wing party that has not yet fully committed to distancing
itself from members who hold extremist right-wing views," he says. "As
long as the party is incapable of drawing a clear boundary among its
ranks between the populist Right and the radical Right, it cannot be a
partner for dialogue with us."
Q: Where would you draw this line, then, between the populist and the radical Right?
"When party members, in senior positions,
decry Germany's 'cult of guilt' and praise German soldiers'
'performance' during World War II, or talk about 'mulattoes,' then, the
way I understand it, the line has been crossed."
Q: Were attempts made at dialogue?
"We didn't make any direct attempts. The
AfD didn't initiate anything either. The absence of initiative in this
instance doesn't bother me."
Q: Did the Jewish community display
the same kind of sensitivities toward the radical left-wing party Die
Linke, whose members were also known to be anti-Semitic?
"In the past, yes. The first meeting with
the top echelon of the party was about two years ago, at the request of
the vice president of the Bundestag, Petra Pau, who always expressed a
very clear position toward Jews and Israel. We spoke very openly about
the views voiced by some of her fellow party members about Israel, and
we made it very clear that we consider general criticism against Israel –
not criticism against the policies of the Israeli government –
anti-Semitic. I think that party has undergone a very positive shift in
its views on Israel.
Q: The Alternative for Germany
party is the only party in Germany that supported the American
recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. How do you explain
that?
"The AfD is always stressing its pro-Israel
stance, on the basis of our common enemy: Israel has a problem with
Arabs and Muslims and the AfD has a problem with them, so, for them, the
enemy of my enemy is my friend. Members of the party claim that they
are the only ones who can guarantee Jewish life in Germany because they
are against the Muslims. But if ever a situation arises where I need
them to guarantee Jewish life in Germany, Jewish life in Germany will be
in very bad shape indeed."
Q: Do you agree with the official German position that rejects the U.S. move to recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capital?
"I would have hoped for a different
position. After all, what did Trump say? He declared something that has
already been a reality for decades. The Israeli government is in
Jerusalem, and every official visit, including by senior German
officials, takes place in Jerusalem. Everyone can think whatever they
want of Trump, but in my opinion, he was very smart and diplomatic."
Q: Why is it so difficult for Germany to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel?
"I feel that every German government has
seen itself as committed to the U.N. and hoped that this way it would be
easier to achieve a peace agreement."
Q: Where do you think the anti-Semitism is most dangerous: among the radical Right, the radical Left of among the Islamists?
"I see the most dangerous anti-Semitism in
mainstream German society. There are obviously increasing influences
from extreme right-wing currents, lines are being crossed. It is now
once again acceptable in Germany to say things that I wouldn't have
imagined 10 years ago, particularly on anything having to do with
anti-Semitism disguised as criticism against Israel. 'Look at what the
Jews in Israel are doing' – things like that. Criticizing certain
actions by the Israeli government is legitimate. In Germany, too, not
everyone is happy with everything Merkel or her government does. But
when Israel is blamed for everything that happens, as is the entirety of
the Israeli population, that is anti-Semitism.
"This phenomenon has been on the rise, and
so has the online campaign. Online, people are allowing themselves to
express their anti-Semitism in a more obvious, hostile way. It is coming
from both the Left and the Right. Studies have been showing for years
that a fifth of the German population holds anti-Semitic views, but on
the internet, it is more conspicuous. Arab Muslim anti-Semitism may be
more perceptible on the surface, like the protests after Trump's
Jerusalem announcement, but it is certainly not the only thing worrying
me right now."
Q: Is there a problem in Germany in acknowledging the anti-Semitic aspect of anti-Israeli criticism?
"I actually think it is a positive thing
that after the latest protests in Berlin, where Israeli flags were
burned, there are now political initiatives on a national level, as well
as in Berlin, to outlaw flag burning. There is much more awareness."
Concern, not fear
Two years ago, Israel and Germany marked 50
years of diplomatic relations. Since then, the festive atmosphere has
given way to mounting tension between the two countries. "The main
problem is that some of the decisions made by the Israeli government are
misunderstood here. The chancellor has told me that she sometimes has
trouble understanding Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's decisions. I
also find it difficult sometimes to justify certain decisions,
especially when it comes to settlement policies.
"I can imagine a solution based on the idea
of two states for two peoples, but I know that in Israel there is a lot
of mistrust toward this idea. I know it from my own family. I have a
cousin in Israel who makes Netanyahu look like he's pro-Palestinian.
Perhaps Israel is doing a bad job 'marketing' its settlement policies
here, and they are perceived as an obstacle standing in the way of a
peace process and it disrupts the relations between the governments."
Q: On the Israeli side of the
equation, there are complaints that Germany is intervening in Israel's
internal affairs by financially supporting organizations with
problematic agendas and at the same time neglecting to pressure the
Palestinians.
"The German side would be wise to be more
careful in selecting who they speak to in Israel. Two weeks after
Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel's memorable visit [in which a meeting
with the prime minister of Israel was canceled over Gabriel's insistence
on meeting with groups that slander the IDF], German President
Frank-Walter Steinmeier arrived, and himself met with organizations and
bodies that are critical of the [Israeli] government. The difference was
that they were all focused on a clear, practical objective: to work
toward peace, not against the government. To support organizations with a
constructive approach would be better than supporting groups that are
destructive."
Q: What are your expectations from Germany in regard to the BDS movement?
"There has been a positive development in
Munich, which was the first city to adopt an initiative forbidding
events by this movement in municipality buildings. Later, the same
attitude was adopted in Frankfurt and Berlin as well. People are
beginning to wise up to the character of this movement, in the federal
government as well, and to understand that this is not a harmless peace
organization. It is an organization that is not only anti-Israel, but
also anti-Semitic. I will welcome the Bundestag's decision on the
matter. It will take some more time, but I think we are well on our
way."
Q: The conservatives in the Bundestag want to deport immigrants and anti-Semitic refugees. Is that a possibility?
"The bill communicates a very clear message
about what Germany is willing and unwilling to accept. However, it
would involve revoking permits, not immediate deportation."
Q: Are you worried about the future of the Jewish community in Germany?
"At the moment, no. There are developments
that obligate us to stay vigilant, inspiring concern, but not fear. I
feel that the politicians and the public in Germany are aware, and I am
convinced that it is possible to suppress the anti-Semitic voices, which
have grown louder in the recent past."
Eldad Beck
Source: http://www.israelhayom.com/2018/01/12/the-most-dangerous-anti-semitism-is-in-mainstream-german-society/
Follow Middle East and Terrorism on Twitter
Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors.
No comments:
Post a Comment