Correspondent Shannon Bream has the latest from Washington on 'Special Report'
The U.S. Supreme Court will embark Monday on the first chapter of a legal saga over abortion that could see the nationwide right to the procedure sharply limited in coming months.
It
will mark a fresh legal look at a socially divisive issue, with a 6-3
conservative high court majority poised for a politically-charged
ruling.
The justices over the next month will hear separate challenges to restrictions on abortion access enacted by Mississippi – with its ban after 15 weeks of pregnancy – and Texas – with a more restrictive six-week ban.
The
Texas dispute will be heard first, in two hours of oral arguments
Monday, which will be more procedural in nature, and not likely to
address the key question of whether the state law's restrictions on most
abortions are constitutional.
That high-stakes debate will happen
Dec. 1, when Mississippi's law will be argued before the nine justices.
The state wants key Supreme Court precedents permitting abortions,
known as Roe (1973) and Casey (1992) – struck down entirely.
AUSTIN, TX - SEPT 1: Pro-choice protesters march outside the Texas
State Capitol on Wednesday, Sept. 1, 2021 in Austin, TX. Texas passed
SB8 which effectively bans nearly all abortions and it went into effect
Sept. 1. A request to the Supreme Court to block the bill went
unanswered and the Court still has yet to take any action on it. (Sergio
Flores For The Washington Post via Getty Images)
(Sergio Flores For The Washington Post via Getty Images)
TEXAS ‘FETAL HEARTBEAT’ ABORTION LAW REINSTATED BY APPEALS COURT RULING
The
opportunity for a sweeping pivot on abortion – at a time when the high
court's own reputation and legitimacy is threatened – could be tempered
by an unpredictable, cautious court that has shown it is not always
eager to speak along sharp ideological lines. That may produce split
rulings, with uncertain lasting impact.
"I'm sure that the chief
justice would rather go fairly slowly. That tends to be his inclination
in these situations," said Paul Smith, a Georgetown University law
professor and appellate attorney who has argued frequently before the
justices. "But there will be some justices who are impatient to get to
the final determination of the validity of Roe. I could imagine a
situation where you have three liberals saying those should be upheld;
three saying we don't need to address that question yet; and three
saying it obviously should be overruled."
Besides Chief Justice John Roberts, much of the focus at arguments will be on two of former President Donald Trump's picks: Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett. Their questioning of counsel could signal whether a compromise approach is possible.
Texas Two-Step
The Texas law known as SB 8 would ban most abortions at about six weeks, when a fetal heartbeat may be detected.
The
high court for now will keep the statute in effect while legal
challenges continue in lower courts. Many of the roughly two dozen
abortion clinics in Texas say they have turned away patients, forcing
some women to go out-of-state for the procedure, or unwillingly continue
their pregnancy.
GOP Gov. Greg Abbott
signed it into law this spring, and while it allows abortions for
"medical emergencies," there are no exceptions for rape or incest.
Similar laws in other states have been passed, or are awaiting
enactment, depending on what the Supreme Court ultimately decides.
Two
separate arguments will be held back to back on the Texas dispute, just
10 days after the high court granted review. The breakneck pace with
which the justices are confronting the issue is a sign that they
recognize the high stakes involved.
But the issue at this stage is a more textured question: Who can sue and who may be sued under the law? The Justice Department
and abortion providers have separately gone to federal court over a key
provision, which creates financial incentives for private citizens –
even non-Texans – to file civil lawsuits against physicians and those
who help women obtain an abortion. That ambiguous enforcement scheme is
at the heart of the current legal fights.
"The [state] government
has no role in enforcing it," said Josh Blackman, a constitutional law
professor at South Texas College of Law Houston. "So basically every
Texas citizen is now a private attorney general."
The high court twice allowed enforcement of SB 8, including on Oct. 22, prompting criticism from Justice Sonia Sotomayor.
"For
the second time, the court is presented with an application to enjoin a
statute enacted in open disregard of the constitutional rights of women
seeking abortion care in Texas," she wrote. "For the second time, the
court declines to act immediately to protect these women from grave and
irreparable harm."
"The legal limbo is excruciating for both
patients and our clinic staff. Lack of access to safe abortion care is
harming our families and communities and will have lasting effects on
Texas for decades to come," said Amy Hagstrom Miller, founder and CEO of
Whole Woman's Health, which brought one of the lawsuits. The group
operates four clinics in Texas. "We've had to turn hundreds of patients
away since this ban took effect."
More than 90 percent of
abortions take place in the first 13 weeks of pregnancy, according to
the CDC. Abortion rights groups say the six-week ban promoted by Texas
and other states would occur before many women even know they are
pregnant.
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton told the court in a
legal brief, "The heartbeat provisions in SB 8 reasonably further
Texas's interest in protecting unborn life, which exists from the outset
of pregnancy."
Abortion opponents applauded the high court's decision to intervene.
"This
is a great development for the Pro-Life movement because the law will
continue to save an estimated 100 babies per day," said Kimberlyn
Schwartz of Texas Right to Life, "and because the justices will actually
discuss whether these lawsuits are even valid in the first place."
|
Maria Peña holds a rosary and sign out outside a building housing
an abortion provider in Dallas, Thursday, Oct. 7, 2021. (AP Photo/LM
Otero)
(AP Photo/LM Otero) |
DISTRICT COURT JUDGE BLOCKS LANDMARK TEXAS 'FETAL HEARTBEAT' ABORTION LAW
Mississippi Stakes
The
more direct challenge to abortion rights lies in Dobbs v. Jackson
Women's Health Organization, which will be presented to the justices
exactly a month after the Texas cases.
At issue: whether all
pre-viability prohibitions on elective abortions are unconstitutional.
Mississippi officials are boldly asking the court to overturn its 1973
Roe v. Wade precedent, under which abortions are legal nationwide until
about the 24th week – the point of viability where the fetus can survive
outside the womb.
Lower courts have blocked that and a subsequent
state law banning abortion after six weeks. The state's only remaining
abortion clinic, backed by the Biden administration, has asked the court
to uphold Roe and invalidate the Mississippi law.
A Fox News poll out in late September showed that 65 percent of Americans favor keeping Roe
as the law of the land. That includes, for the first time in the
survey, a majority of Republicans. Just 28 percent want the ruling
overturned.
But there is an even split on whether abortion should be legal.
Other
surveys in recent weeks have shown public confidence in justices acting
in the country's best interests to be dropping. Some legal commentators
say a sweeping ruling on abortion – however it turns out – is sure to
further fracture the judiciary's reputation in increasingly partisan
times.
Sandwiched
between the Texas and Mississippi arguments will be a report in
November from President Biden's Supreme Court Commission – tasked with
studying potential changes to the high court – including adding more
justices to the bench and imposing term limits, instead of the current
life tenure.
Handicapping how this court will rule on abortion
might start with a look back at what some of the justices have said on
the issue.
The court's strongest proponent for overturning abortion precedent may be Clarence Thomas, the senior associate justice.
He
strongly dissented in the 1992 Planned Parenthood v. Casey decision,
which upheld the right to abortion, and has consistently held those
views over the years. In a 2000 case, he called Roe "grievously wrong."
"Abortion
is a unique act, in which a woman's exercise of control over own body
ends, depending on one's view, human life or potential human life," he
wrote. "Although a State may permit abortion, nothing in the
Constitution dictates that a State must do so."
On the other side, Justice Elena Kagan has been a forceful advocate of stare decisis,
the legal concept of respect for judicial precedence, which proponents
say fosters clear societal expectations and judicial integrity.
In
a Sept. 1 dissent when the Texas law was first allowed to go into
effect by the high court, Kagan criticized its intent, saying it
"prohibits abortions for the vast majority of women who seek them — in
clear, and indeed undisputed, conflict with Roe and Casey."
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