 Palestinian
Authority President Mahmoud Abbas (pictured) is also now under attack
by many Palestinians.... He will not be able to make any concessions to
Israel because people will say, "You are an unelected leader. You are a
dictator. You have been in power for more than 15 years without
elections. Who voted for you?" This will all have a negative impact on
any future peace process. (Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images) |
Many journalists in the mainstream media appear not to be interested
in certain stories here, particularly ones that reflect negatively on
Arabs or Palestinians. Most are only searching for stories that reflect
negatively on Israel, that have an anti‑Israel angle.
That leaves the rest of us opportunities for publishing stories that the mainstream media in the West do not want.
In addition to Palestinian affairs, I also follow the Arab world -- where it is important to discuss Iran.
In the last few weeks, many people in the Arab world, especially in
the Gulf countries -- Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates --
are extremely worried about the way the Biden Administration and the
Western powers are dealing with Islamic Republic.
Every day in dozens of articles and op‑ed pieces – in newspapers,
websites, radio, television broadcasts out of these Arab countries -- it
is amazing to see how concerned they are, the Arabs over there, about
the possibility that the Biden Administration might return to the
nuclear deal with Iran.
Even today, an Egyptian journalist wrote
how the Arabs were worried about the possibility of returning to the
nuclear deal because they don't trust Iran. The Arabs are saying that
the Iranians are liars. They are saying that Iran is trying to advance
its own agenda. Iran is trying to export the Islamic revolution to the
Arab world and destabilize the Arab countries. Iran is already interfering in the internal affairs of the Arab countries. And they are sponsoring terrorism.
When you look at the Arab reactions to what the US is engaged in, you
can see that they are less worried about the nuclear bomb than about
what Iran is already doing. "Look," they are saying, "Iran is already in
Yemen through the Houthi militia; in Lebanon through Hezbollah; in Gaza
through Hamas; in Syria through Hezbollah, in the Assad regime. Iran is
also meddling in the internal affairs of Iraq, and Iran is sponsoring
this wave of terrorism in Gaza." They are deeply worried by what they
perceive as a policy of appeasement towards Iran.
This is why now, we see that many people in the Arab world, all these
commentators and political analysts and columnists, are sounding an
alarm bell directed to the Biden Administration.
If I can quote Egyptian writer in Asharq Al‑Awsat, a Saudi
newspaper, he is saying, "President Trump was right when he walked out
of the agreement with Iran because this agreement was very dangerous.
The Iranians never abided by it anyway. They were trying to play
everyone for fools." He even wrote, "Thank you, Mr. President Trump, for
being aware of the Iranian ploy."
The message coming out of the Arab world to the US right now is,
"Don't let the Iranians fool you. If you embolden Iran, you are
facilitating Iran's mission to undermine security and stability in the
Middle East. You are helping Iran threaten our regimes, our government,
our economy. You are helping Iran through its proxies in the Middle East
-- Hezbollah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the Houthis - spread terrorism in
the Arab world."
These are powerful messages.
I have never seen such concern in the Arab world towards the policies
or the attitude of a US administration with regards to Iran. We cannot
ignore it.
The Saudis are saying that the more America appeases Iran, the more
rockets and drone attacks they are getting from Yemen through the
Iranian‑backed Houthi militia. Look, also, at what is happening in
Lebanon.
For the first time, you have a Lebanese Intifada against Hezbollah
and Iran. For the first time, you have people demonstrating on the
streets of Beirut and other parts of Lebanon saying, "We want to end the
Iranian occupation." This is unprecedented. We never saw such protests
in the past.
The Arab world, out of concern, is sending a message to the Biden
administration: "Please, be careful in your dealings with Iran. Do not
embolden Iran. Do not appease the mullahs unless they change, of
course."
The prediction in the Arab world, though, is that the Iranians, under
the current regime, the mullahs, are not going to change. The general
feeling is that the Iranians are trying to play the Westerners, the
Biden administration for fools, by pretending that they are going to
abide by their agreements and all that. Perhaps that is one of the
reasons people at the US State Department are now following me on
Twitter to see what I am writing. It is good that they are... Whether it
will change their position, I don't know, but at least they are
listening to these voices. We are just putting them in their face.
That is Iran. The other issue it is important to address is the
Palestinians. It's my favorite topic. As you all know, the elections
have been canceled. It's like, "Oh, okay. Big surprise."
From day one, in January, when President Abbas announced that he was
going to hold elections, a few of us said that we had very serious
doubts that he would hold them, and would try to find an excuse to
cancel or delay them indefinitely -- and that preferably this excuse had
to be by putting all the blame on Israel.
Those who believed that he was keen about elections, they don't know
what they're talking about. President Abbas is now in the 16th year of
his four‑year term in office. There was no reason why he should suddenly
wake up one morning at the age of 85 and decide to hold the elections.
The whole thing was a scam from the beginning. It was intended,
mostly to appease the Europeans, who were pressuring President Abbas,
"Please, go have elections. Please, do something."
Promising elections was also probably an attempt to impress the Biden
administration by showing that, "Oh, you see, Mr. President, we are
capable of having democracy, or Mr. President Biden, you see I am a
legitimate elected leader, I, Mahmoud Abbas...." That was the real
intention.
President Abbas earlier said
he had no real intention of proceeding with the election unless Israel
allowed the vote to take place in Jerusalem. He was sitting there
waiting for an excuse. I feel sorry for all those Palestinians who
registered for the parliamentary election, which was supposed to take
place in a few weeks.
If you want to look at the positive aspect of this whole thing, we
had 36 lists registering for the parliamentary election, and many of
them had young people, ambitious people, reformists -- people who want
democracy, who want regime change, who are saying, "We are fed up with
corruption. We want new, young leaders. It is time to get rid of the old
guard represented by Abbas."
In the end, President Abbas was searching for an excuse, and he found
the issue of Jerusalem as a very good excuse to put all the blame on
Israel.
Now, many people in the Western media, and many of my Western
colleagues, did not pay attention to a number of facts regarding the
dispute over Jerusalem. President Abbas is not telling the truth when he
says, "Israel said no to holding the elections in Jerusalem."
There was never any government announcement from Israel saying
anything like that. Israel said, "We are not going to interfere with the
Palestinian elections. The Palestinians can do whatever they want."
President Abbas was misleading everyone by not telling the truth when
he said that Israel had said no to holding elections in Jerusalem. That
is number one. Number two, President Abbas is also lying when he tells
everyone that under international agreement, Israel is obliged to allow
elections to take place in Jerusalem, Palestinian elections.
I have read the Oslo Accords and all the interim agreements. All I
found there was that Israel said that it will allow a number of East
Jerusalem residents, a number of Arabs from Jerusalem, to vote through
the Israeli post offices in Jerusalem.
The rest of the Arabs can vote wherever they want. If an Arab from
Jerusalem wants to go to Ramallah and vote over there, Israel is not
going to stop him. In the past, many Arabs from Jerusalem went to
villages surrounding Jerusalem that are under the Palestinian Authority
control and voted over there.
Besides, according to these agreements, something like 6,000 Arabs
from Jerusalem were supposed to vote through the Israeli Post Offices in
Jerusalem. If that is the case, President Abbas, why did you set the
elections on a Saturday, on Shabbat? You know that the Israeli Post
Offices do not work on Shabbat.
You cannot on the one hand announce that the elections will take
place on Shabbat and then say, "Oh, Israel didn't allow me to..." It was
very clear from the beginning that President Abbas was not very
serious. If he really wanted these elections to take place, including
with the participation of the Arabs in Jerusalem, they would have taken
place.
There is nothing better than blaming Israel. That is what President
Abbas has been doing for the last 10 or 15 years, redirecting the anger
on the Palestinian's towards Israel, daily inciting hatred against
Israel.
The allegation that Israel did not allow the election in Jerusalem
just seems part of that ongoing campaign of incitement against Israel --
one that is aimed at delegitimizing Israel and demonizing Jews.
President Abbas and the Palestinian Authority are saying, "Oh,
because Israel did not allow us to hold the elections in Jerusalem, this
is the war crime, and we're going to add it to the list of war crimes
that we are going to bring it before the ICC," the International
Criminal Court, and all that.
It's like, "Excuse me, President Abbas, who are you fooling?"
Fortunately, for us, by the way, there are many Arabs and Palestinians
over here, who do not believe President Abbas. They know that he was
using the issue of Jerusalem as a pretext to avoid the elections.
Why didn't President Abbas want elections? Because his ruling Fatah
party is split. For the first time, he is facing a serious challenge
from Marwan Barghouti, the jailed Fatah leader who is serving multiple
life sentences for murder.
For the first time, he is facing a serious challenge from Nasser
Al‑Qudwa, a former Palestinian foreign minister and a nephew of Yasser
Arafat. For the first time, he is facing a serious challenge from exiled
Fatah leader, Mohammed Dahlan.
In the last four months, we saw that Fatah, Abbas's Fatah faction,
was running under three different lists. One belonging to Abbas himself,
the second belonging to Nasser Al‑Qudwa and Marwan Barghouti, and the
third belonging to Mohammed Dahlan.
Abbas knew that if his faction was divided, that plays into the hands
of Hamas, and Hamas will win the election again. We have been to this
movie before. In 2006, Hamas won the parliamentary election because
Fatah was divided. As I said, the best thing you can do is you put all
the blame on Israel.
Many of my Western colleagues, unfortunately, bought this excuse.
They parroted it without even checking. They did not verify with the
Israelis. They did not even talk about what is really happening to Arabs
in Jerusalem.
There is also another factor over here that the international media
has ignored. It is, if you ask most Arabs in Jerusalem, "Are you
interested in participating in a Palestinian election?" The answer you
get is, "No, we do not care. We do not want to be part of the
Palestinian political system. We are happy living under Israel. We want
to retain our status as residents of Israel. We do not have any
confidence, not in the Palestinian Authority, and not in Hamas."
In many ways, the Arabs in Jerusalem were not going to vote in the
elections. In the last three Palestinian elections, in 1996, 2005, and
2006, only a minority of Arabs in Jerusalem voted. Which means that
their participation or non‑participation would not have changed anything
regarding the Palestinian vote. Mahmoud Abbas was looking for an
excuse, and eventually, he used the whole issue of Jerusalem as an
excuse.
Now, there is also another topic: relations between the Palestinian Authority and the Biden Administration.
The Biden Administration was very quick to announce the resumption of
financial aid to the Palestinian Authority, unconditionally, by the
way, which I think was a mistake. They announced that they are going to
resume aid to UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Work Organization for
Palestine Refugees, which, I believe, was also a mistake.
If you are rewarding the Palestinian Authority without demanding
anything in return, you will have no leverage with the Palestinian
Authority anymore. You've already given them what they wanted, so why
should they do what you ask them in the future?
If the Biden Administration thinks that President Abbas will return
to the negotiating table with Israel and resume the peace process
because they have resumed the financial aid to the Palestinian
Authority, that is not going to happen. If it happens, President Abbas
will not be serious about the peace process. The Biden Administration
was too quick in making all these decisions.
They have already given a gift to President Abbas without getting
anything in return. This will not help revive any peace process over
here, not in the near future, let alone the fact that President Abbas is
also now under attack by many Palestinians who are saying, "Oh, he is
not a legitimate leader. He canceled elections. He is preventing us from
having democracy. We do not trust him anymore."
I hear these voices every day from a growing number of Palestinians who are questioning his legitimacy.
When you question Abbas's legitimacy, he will not be able to make any
concessions to Israel because people will say, "You are an unelected
leader. You are a dictator. You have been in power for more than 15
years without elections. Who voted for you?" This will all have a
negative impact on any future peace process.
Add to this the fact that the Palestinians continue to be divided.
Everyone talks about a two‑state solution. I hear now that the Biden
Administration is once again talking about the two‑state solution. I
told some US journalists a few days ago that we already have a two‑state
solution over here. They said, "What? What are you talking about? When
did that happen?"
I told them, "Listen, it happened in 2007." They said, "What? What do
you mean?" I said, "You guys have a short memory." In 2007, Hamas, the
Iranian‑backed Islamist movement in Gaza, woke up one morning and kicked
the Palestinian Authority out of Gaza. The Palestinian Authority, with
Israel's help, ran away to the West Bank.
Since then, we have two states for the Palestinians. One in Gaza is
run by Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Muslim brotherhood. Then you have
another mini‑state in the West Bank run by President Abbas. The
Palestinians call them the mafia.
This is the reality on the ground that many people are ignoring. How
can you talk about reviving the two‑state solution when you have these
Palestinian divisions when you have this power struggle going on when
you have an erosion of Palestinian confidence in Palestinian leaders?
According to all public opinion polls, more than 60 percent of the
Palestinians are demanding that President Abbas step down, but who
cares. No one talks about these issues. These are all the issues that we
are dealing right now.
I can tell you that the more I look at the situation on the
Palestinian side, I see that it continues to be a total mess. I see
divisions, more corruption. What worries me is not that Fatah and Hamas
are at each other's necks and killing each other. They have been doing
that for years. What worries me is that Fatah, Hamas, President Abbas,
Ismail Haniyeh, and all these leaders are continuing their incitement
against Israel.
This is extremely serious incitement. That is what is encouraging
violence. That is what is driving all these terrorists to go out and
carry out all these attacks. The rhetoric coming out of Ramallah and
Gaza is extremely dangerous. It is emboldening the radicals. It is
promoting terrorism.
If you keep telling your people, "The Jews are killing the children,
and the Jews are desecrating with their filthy feet our holy sites, and
the Jews are violently invading the Al‑Aqsa Mosque, and the Jews want to
destroy our holy shrines, and the Jews are cutting the trees, and the
Jews are burning the children, and the Jews are...."
How can you ever talk about resuming any peace process with Israel?
You delegitimize Israel in the eyes of your people, the Palestinians, to
a point where your people will never accept any kind of an agreement or
compromise with Israel.
This incitement has to stop. That is why I would have liked to see
the Biden Administration tell the Palestinian Authority, "Listen. We
will resume financial aid to the Palestinians, but before we do that, on
Palestine TV, can you please stop calling for jihad? Can you please
stop publishing or broadcasting all these messages that encourage
violence?" but the Biden Administration did not demand any of these
things, and look where we are now.
Now, President Abbas is calling for an intifada in Jerusalem. His
prime minister is calling for an uprising against settlers. They are
accusing Israel falsely of planning to destroy the Al‑Aqsa Mosque. These
are very serious allegations that are being broadcast.
They are telling their people that violent extremist Jews are
planning to undermine stability, planning to attack people in their
homes, and other messages that are very, very dangerous.
It was a missed opportunity.
Question: Do you think the US should re‑enter the 2015 Iran
nuclear deal as it is trying to do, and what effect would a nuclearized
Iran have on stability in the Middle East?
Abu Toameh: When President Trump walked out of that agreement,
I think he had good reason. He realized, like the Israelis before him,
that the Iranians were not abiding by that agreement.
We see all these reports about Iran continuing to enrich uranium,
about Iran continuing to develop its nuclear and missile programs....
The Iranians are not even trying to hide that, by the way.
If you want to rejoin the agreement, at least make sure that they
abide by it. Make sure that they are not hiding things. You cannot just
walk back into an agreement without verifying it.
A nuclear bomb in the hands of Iran is not only a threat to Israel.
Listen to what the Arabs are saying: "We are also worried. These mullahs
in Iran will not hesitate to use any type of weapon against the Arabs,
against the Muslims in the region. If the Iranians are now using drones
and ballistic missiles to attack Saudi Arabia from Yemen, who is going
to prevent them in the future from using nuclear bombs against moderate
Arabs, moderate Muslims, or any other Arab or Muslim?" This is the
message that is coming out of the Arab world.
I am not in a position where I can advise the Biden Administration
what to do and what not to do, but what I can tell them is do not be
fooled by these people. If you want to return to that agreement, at
least listen also to what the Israelis are telling you, because the
Israelis have a lot of intelligence.
That is why the head of the Mossad visited the White House recently
and met with US officials, and, according to some reports, even with
Biden himself. I do not think that this whole Iranian threat is
exaggerated. It is a real threat, and extremely serious.
If you look at Iran's behavior in the past, you see that these Mullahs have no intention of honoring any agreement.
Add to this, the rhetoric, which is very bad, of their ongoing
incitement. They might agree to some of the terms set to them by the
Americans and the Westerners. But they will not abide by these
agreements. They have no intention of abiding.
For them, it is also a matter of dignity. In Arab and Muslim culture,
these are issues of dignity. These are cultures of honor, pride, and
defiance. I do not think that Iran is suddenly going to wake up in the
morning and say, Okay, we are now prepared to make concessions to the
big Satan or to the Zionist entity. They see any agreement with the West
as a humiliation. That is why I do not trust them. Many Arabs don't
trust them. That is the message that they are sending to Biden. If you
want to rejoin any agreement, at least listen to what your allies are
telling you. Listen to us, the Arabs, also, what we are telling you.
Listen to what Israel is saying.
Question: What do you believe is best for a solution with the Palestinians? When and how might this happen?
Abu Toameh: When we talk about a solution, I can think of 10,000 solutions. Everyone here has a solution. Hamas has a solution.
If you ask Hamas, they will tell you, listen, replace Israel with an
Islamic state. If there are some Jews who would like to live as a
minority, they are welcome. Otherwise, get out of here or I will destroy
all of you.
President Abbas has a solution. He is saying Israel must give me 100%
of what I am demanding, which is all of the West Bank, all of Gaza, and
all of East Jerusalem. On top of that, I want the right of return. I
want to bring millions of Palestinian refugees into Israel itself.
President Abbas is saying, I want the Palestinian state next to Israel.
Then I want to turn Israel into another Palestinian state by flooding it
with millions of refugees. These are unrealistic solutions. No one
takes them seriously.
I think that at present, all Israel can do is work with any
Palestinian who wants to work with you and shoot back at any Palestinian
who shoots at you. Let us stop talking about solutions. Maybe, right
now, there is no solution that will satisfy the needs or the demands of
the Palestinians.
When you have Hamas demanding 100 percent of all the land, including
Israel, and then you have President Abbas coming up with all his
demands, that is impractical. You cannot make solutions with people who
are telling you, "Give me 100% or there is no deal." It does not work
like that.
Israel is in many ways fortunate, by the way. It has one Palestinian
camp that is now working with Israel, which is the Mahmoud Abbas‑led
camp, the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, and then you have
Hamas in Gaza with whom you can have ceasefires and things like that.
The situation is dangerous. We live in a dangerous neighborhood.
Israel is surrounded by too many enemies. Israel cannot afford to repeat
the mistakes of the past. What do I mean by that? What worries me is
that Israeli concessions are being misinterpreted as signs of weakness.
In May 2000, Israel woke up one morning and withdrew from Lebanon. We
saw what happened. It emboldened Hezbollah. Hezbollah took credit for
driving the Jews out of Lebanon through rockets, through suicide
bombing.
In 2005, Israel repeated the same mistake with Gaza. In this part of
the world, you do not wake up and run away. Even before the Israeli
withdrawal or disengagement from Gaza, people were asking, "What is
going to happen?" I said, "This will embolden Hamas. This will bring
Hamas to power. Israel's withdrawal will be seen as a retreat, as a
runaway from violence." That is why, after Israel left Gaza, we saw that
Gaza continued to attack Israel. I was there in Gaza the day after
Israel left Gaza. I was asked by many of my colleagues to take them on a
tour of Gaza to ask Palestinians, "What do you think about the Israeli
withdrawal from Gaza?" We could not find one Palestinian who saw the
Israeli withdrawal as a sign that maybe these Jews really want peace.
What we did find on the other hand, was that 100% of the people we
talked to in Gaza, said, "Wow, this is wonderful. We have killed 1,000
Jews in four and a half years. We have carried out all these terrorist
attacks against Israel. In the end, Israel runs away from Gaza, so we
need to continue firing into Israel!" Why? "Because, today, they ran
away from Gaza, tomorrow, Israel will run away from Ashdod, Ashkelon,
Tel Aviv, and from there to the sea." Look where we are now.
If you want to make concessions, do it through agreements. Do it after you receive guarantees from the international community.
Do not just wake up in the morning and run away. It doesn't work like
that when you are dealing with Arab and Muslim culture. In this part of
the world, if you show any sign of weakness, it brings more violence.
Unfortunately and sadly, Israel has paid a very heavy price for mistakes they have made.
Question: Are there any Palestinians who want to work with Israel?
Abu Toameh: Yes. The Palestinian Authority's rhetoric is very
anti‑Israel, but there is one good thing about them. They are conducting
security coordination with Israel in the West Bank. They are helping
Israel fight Hamas and Islamic Jihad.
They are not doing it because they love Israel or because they are
Zionists. They are doing it because they are being paid by the
Americans, by the Europeans to do it. They are doing it because Hamas
and Islamic Jihad also threaten them -- President Abbas and company.
The Palestinian Authority is delivering on the security front, and,
for me, that's fine. I even hear it from Israeli security officials.
They are satisfied with the performance of the Palestinian security
forces. Three days ago, we saw that the Palestinian police found the car
that was used by a terrorist in a shooting attack against three
settlers in the West Bank.
That is part of the security coordination I am talking about. This is
bringing us some kind of stability in the West Bank. There are people
who want to work with Israelis. There are also Palestinians who believe
in peace with Israel.
There are also Palestinians who want to make concessions to Israel,
but are afraid to speak out because you do not have democracy in
Ramallah. You do not have a free media in Ramallah, and you do not have a
freedom of expression under Hamas.
I can speak out because I live in Israel. I am fortunate that as an
Arab Muslim, I live in Israel, so I can write in Gatestone and in the Jerusalem Post.
I can express my opinions freely. It is ironic that I, as an Arab
Muslim, I have to live in Israel to be able to practice some form of
democracy and freedom of speech.
There are people out there but they cannot speak out. Many of
my colleagues in Ramallah and Gaza, they tell me, "You know, here is a
story we cannot publish. Can you please publish it? You are lucky, you
write in Jewish newspapers, you write for Jewish media outlets."
This is where we are. The Palestinians are in a tragic situation
because they are controlled by two dictatorships, two corrupt regimes.
Hamas and the Palestinian Authority, and I see that as an internal
Palestinian problem.
Israel should not be involved in it. Let the Palestinians vote for
whomever they want. Let the Palestinians choose their own leaders. If
they vote for bad leaders like Hamas, they will pay a price like they
are paying in Gaza right now.
If they vote for President Abbas who is corrupt and depriving his
people of international aid, that is also an internal Palestinian
problem. Israel should only be worried about Israel's security.
Israel should tell these folks, "Listen. You guys want to kill each
other, you want to deprive your people of the international aid, that is
your problem. You want to be corrupt, that is also your problem, but do
not mess with my security."
When it comes to security, it is a red line. I think this is Israel's
policy in the last few years. Israel should not be meddling in the
internal affairs of the Palestinians. Let them do whatever they want
when it comes to economy, things like that.
Israel can also help them by allowing more people to come and work in Israel, but Israel should only focus on its security because the internal Palestinian scene is very, very complicated. It is a messy situation over there.
Question: Please assess Mansour Abbas.
Abu Toameh: We have two Abbases: Mahmoud Abbas and Mansour
Abbas. I keep asking myself, "What makes someone who is affiliated with
the Muslim Brotherhood suddenly so pragmatic?"
Mansour Abbas belongs to the Islamic Movement in Israel, and his
views are well known or have been well known for many years. Personally,
I do not trust anything that comes out of the Muslim Brotherhood or
anyone affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood.
He has not abandoned his ideology. I did not see any change in
Mansour Abbas's ideology or in his party's list and the ideology of his
party, but I did see some surprising developments coming out of Mansour
Abbas.
Mansour Abbas today presents a new trend among Arab Israelis. He
broke away from the Joint List, which used to consist of four Arab
parties, and ran in the last Israeli election on a ticket that said,
"Vote for me. I want integration into Israeli society. Vote for me. I
want to be part of the Israeli decision‑making process."
As such, more than 150,000 Arabs in Israel voted for him, which is a
good sign. It shows that the Arabs in Israel want integration. They do
not want to see their representatives in the Knesset talking about Hamas
and Islamic jihad or representing the Palestinian Authority.
They want to see their representatives in the Knesset dealing with
the real problems facing the Arab community inside Israel, and that's
where Mansour Abbas was very successful.
He told the Arab Israeli constituents, "Vote for me. I am not going
to represent the PLO. I am not going to represent Hamas. I will focus on
internal issues, and I, Mansour Abbas, I do not even rule out the
possibility of sitting in a Netanyahu‑led government," and as such, many
people voted for him.
Now, it is premature to assess policies. But if Mansour Abbas is
going to be an authentic representative of the Arab Israelis and work
for equality and work for better services, and for solving the problems
of unemployment and poverty in the Arab sector, that's very good.
If he is going to use his list as a Trojan horse to enter any Israeli
coalition and then start telling us about the Muslim Brotherhood, and
then talking about spreading Islam and all that, no, thank you. That is not what the Arab Israelis want. We have to wait and see.
There are two Mansour Abbases out there. There is one who is
affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood and has not distanced himself
from it.
There is another Mansour Abbas who seems to be a pragmatic, realistic
man who wants to serve his people. I suggest, we wait to see what is
going to happen.
Question: How do the Palestinians feel about the Abraham Accords?
Abu Toameh: When we talk about the Palestinians, we always
need to draw a distinction between the Palestinian men on the street and
Palestinian leaders or Palestinian politicians and Palestinian
factions.
The reaction of the Palestinian leadership, whether it's in Ramallah
or in Gaza, has been extremely negative towards the peace agreements, or
the Abraham Accords, between Israel and some Arab countries.
The initial reaction was, "Oh, our Arab brothers are abandoning us.
They are stabbing us in the back. They do not care about us anymore.
They have betrayed the Palestinians. They have betrayed Al‑Aqsa Mosque."
We saw very strong reactions coming out of the Palestinian Authority in
the West Bank, and Hamas in Gaza.
They were inciting, actually, against the Arab countries. They were
inciting against the same Arab countries that were giving them millions
and millions of dollars for many, many years.
That is why they have damaged their relations with many of the Arab
countries, by attacking the Arabs and accusing them of betraying the
Arab cause, betraying the Palestinian issue, betraying Al‑Aqsa. These
are serious allegations, especially when they come from Arabs and
Muslims.
When you accuse the rulers of Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates of
betraying Al‑Aqsa, betraying Islam, and betraying the Palestinian
issue, you are sending a message to the Arabs and the Muslims that these
are infidels. These are traitors. They deserve to be beheaded. They
deserve to be hanged. We do not want to see them anymore.
Now, in the Palestinian streets, I did not see mass protests against
these agreements. I meet many Palestinians every day. I do not see
people walking on the street and saying, "Oh, my God. What are we going
to do? It is really a tragedy. We are very worried. Israel has signed an
agreement with the United Arab Emirates!"
You do not really get that kind of reaction. In fact, I meet many
Palestinians who are very hopeful. They say, "Oh, maybe there is an
opportunity for us to go and work in the United Arab Emirates? Maybe we
can go and work there? Maybe we will have tourism from these countries?"
They are saying things that are actually the exact opposite of what
their leaders are saying. In many ways, that is encouraging. The same is
true of the Arabs in Israel, by the way.
One of the biggest mistakes that the Arab Knesset members made was to
vote against the Abraham Accords. This was insane. This was like, how
can a representative in the Israeli Parliament vote against the Peace
Agreement between Israel and some Arab countries?
That is another reason the Arab voters punished the Joint List:
because many Arab‑Israelis have been traveling to Dubai and Abu Dhabi.
Many Arab Israelis are looking forward to doing business with the
people in the Gulf. They saw these Abraham Accords as an opportunity for
all kinds of cooperation, for all kind of hope.
There is always this gap between leadership and the man on the
street, whether it is among the Arab Israelis or among the Palestinians.
I think that is encouraging that, at least, the man on the street is
satisfied or is very optimistic about these agreements.
Question: What would the Middle East be like with a
Palestinian state the way the Palestinian Authority is now, and do you
think the Palestinians should accept a smaller state than they wish,
called a "Swiss cheese" state?
Abu Toameh: The answer is obvious. We already have two
Palestinian states. We have two dictatorships. How are they different
from the dictatorships in the Arab world? Look at Gaza. Can you show me
one newspaper in Gaza that is independent?
Ten days ago, and I was one of the few people who mentioned on
Twitter that a female journalist was beaten up by Hamas officers because
she was not wearing the hijab. It is hard to talk about public
freedoms, both under Hamas in Gaza and under the Palestinian Authority
in the West Bank.
Unfortunately, any Palestinian state you have in the near future will
be the same. We have reached a situation, I am not exaggerating, where
people in the West Bank, even in Gaza, tell me, "We hope one day, we
will have a democracy like the one the Jews have in Israel."
Do you know how many times I hear in Ramallah people telling me, "We
wish one day that we will have our own Knesset"? The Palestinians have
not had a parliament for the last 13 or 14 years because of the power
struggle between Fatah and Hamas.
A Palestinian state would look exactly like what we already have.
Now, will the Palestinians accept anything less or that? I really don't
know. What I do know right now is one thing. I cannot find one
Palestinian leader who has the courage to make any kind of concessions
to Israel.
Any Palestinian leader under the current circumstances who tells
Israel, "Okay Israel, I will sign an agreement with you that will give
me 90%," will be shot. He will be executed in a public square and
condemned as a traitor. President Abbas knows that. The Palestinian
leaders can only blame themselves for that. Why? Because Palestinian
leaders keep telling their people that anyone who makes concessions to
Israel is a traitor. If that is the message you are telling your people,
how can you come back to your people with anything less than 100%? That
is why we are caught in a vicious cycle.
We are not moving forward because of all these bad messages from the
Palestinians. The ordinary Palestinian does not really care if the
Palestinian state is three miles less, or four miles... People do not
really care about that. People want to live in dignity. They want public
freedoms. They want a good economy. They want good leadership. They
want something like what Israel does.
If you are going to give us a Palestinian state that is going to look
like Sudan in the past, or Syria, or Lebanon, and all those other
failed states, no thank you. Just leave us alone, and leave things as
they are right now. We do not want another failed Muslim, Iranian‑backed
dictatorship in the Middle East. It is bad for the Arabs before it is bad for Israel.
The above are from a briefing to Gatestone Institute on May 5, 2021.