by Zalman Shoval
Aside from the moral aspect, it is difficult not to wonder at the mistake that is dictating the current U.S. position that preventing Kurdish independence and preserving the unity of the artificial Iraqi state will secure Washington's influence in the region when in practice Iran is increasingly the one that is running the show.
"The vote
and the results lack legitimacy," U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson
declared, referring to recent events in Kurdistan. Similar remarks were
made by the U.S. ambassador in Baghdad, Douglas A. Silliman, and U.S.
President Donald Trump's special envoy Brett McGurk.
The American opposition to Kurdish
independence take us back in time 70 years, when the leadership of the
Jewish population in prestate Israel announced its plan to declare
independence. In response, the U.S. State Department began working
assiduously, sometimes making threats, to scupper that decision.
Then-Secretary of State Gen. George Marshall, who was covered in glory
after World War II, as well as the entire American foreign policy and
defense establishment, took a firm stance against the establishment of
the Jewish state.
Their official reasons (other than the
anti-Semitism that was rife in the State Department and the defense and
intelligence establishments) were very similar to Washington's arguments
against Kurdish independence – namely, that it will destabilize the
region. Then, like now, oil factors into the U.S. position. Back in the
day, American officials were worried that supporting the Jewish state
would endanger the supply of Arab oil to America and its relations with
the Arab world in general. This time, America is afraid that the Kurds'
intent to control Kirkuk, one of Iraq's main oil-producing areas, will
hurt the chance of it developing good relations with the government in
Baghdad, including on oil issues.
Washington is trying to convince the Kurds
that it only wants them to "postpone" their declaration of independence
to a more convenient time, whereas in 1948, the U.S. administration –
encouraged by the British Foreign Office – intended to thwart the
establishment of a state by setting up a provisional international
government in Palestine. Now the U.N. is also trying to persuade the
Kurds to be satisfied with a compromise under which they would
"postpone" independence in exchange for various rights and benefits as
part of a united Iraq. In 1948, too, the U.N. played an active part when
Count Folke Bernadotte suggested tearing the Negev Desert and Jerusalem
off of Israel.
While the opposition of Iran, Iraq, and
Turkey, which also have sizeable Kurdish minority populations, to an
independent Kurdistan is clear, it is harder to justify the American
administration's position. Washington claims that the Kurdish
declaration of independence supposedly hurts the war against the Islamic
State, but the Kurdish peshmerga army aims to oust the Islamic State
from the land Kurdistan wants to claim as its own. This interest will be
even more important once independence is declared.
Aside from the moral aspect, it is
difficult not to wonder at the mistake that is dictating the current
U.S. position that preventing Kurdish independence and preserving the
unity of the artificial Iraqi state will secure Washington's influence
in the region when in practice Iran is increasingly the one that is
running the show. As with Israel 70 years ago, the new state – if it is
founded – can expect violence from day one. Back then, it was the Arab
states; this time, it will be the Iraqi government or possibly Iran and
Turkey.
Back then, two people crushed all the
schemes: David Ben-Gurion, who understood that it was an opportunity for
the Jewish people that would not come again, and U.S. President Harry
Truman, who despite the positions of most of his advisers decided to
recognize the state of Israel as soon as it declared independence. Will
Massoud Barzani, the undeclared president of the Iraqi Kurdistan, and
President Trump follow in their footsteps?
Zalman Shoval
Source: http://www.israelhayom.com/opinions/why-is-the-us-against-kurdish-independence/
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