by Dr. Tsilla Hershco
For French Jewry, the mounting antisemitism is reminiscent of dark processes in Europe on the eve of WWII.
Gilets jaunes protesters fleeing tear gas, Paris, December 8, 2018, photo via Wikipedia
BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 1,099, February 28, 2019
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: The “yellow vest” (gilets jaunes)
demonstrations pose a difficult challenge to the French government and
nation. They have revealed great public anger and frustration and have
spread throughout the country with no sign of abating any time soon.
They have also been marked by widespread acts of violence, including
severe cases of antisemitism. The escalation of the demonstrations,
despite President Macron’s efforts, raises a fear of anarchy that could
deteriorate into civil war. For French Jewry, the mounting antisemitism
is reminiscent of dark processes in Europe on the eve of WWII.
France is undergoing one of the most challenging
periods of its modern history. On every Saturday since November 17,
2018, tens of thousands of protestors have marched all over the country
denouncing President Emmanuel Macron and his government as well as the
police. They demand more democracy, more influence, and more equality in
the society, the economy, and politics.
The demonstrations began with pensioners in
northern France protesting a rise in fuel prices. From there they spread
throughout the country, including Paris and the main cities, while
growing ever more violent.
The fuel-price hike was the catalyst for the
expression of deep, long-simmering bitterness and anger among people in
the periphery who a) feel a decline in purchasing power, b) receive
poorer governmental services than citizens in the center of the country,
and c) lack efficient public transportation. They feel, in short, that
they are the victims of a disconnect between the central government and
the periphery. They believe they are systematically short-changed by
government corruption and by social elites that, in their view, enjoy
preferential treatment.
In addition, the demonstrations reflect the
profound frustration of large sectors of the French public that are
denied proper representation in the parliament by the electoral system.
This was notably evident in the May 2017 presidential elections, which
saw the lowest voting rate since 1969 with over 25% not voting and over
11% casting invalid ballots.
Far-right demonstrators claim that Macron’s
election was a means of preventing the election of Marine Le Pen; and
indeed, in the second round of the elections, about 11 million people
voted for Le Pen. In the June 2017 parliamentary elections, Le Pen’s
National Front (Front National, or FN) increased its strength from two
representatives to eight of the 577 members of parliament. This does not
reflect the party’s real support in areas outside the large cities,
where anger over France’s economic and security situation translates
into very substantial backing for FN.
After the elections, Le Pen declared her intention
to mount a fighting “patriots’” opposition to an establishment that, as
she puts it, favors “Mondialism.” Support for her party, which has
adopted the name National Rally (Rassemblement National, or RN), has
grown during the “yellow vest” demonstrations, and it now leads the
polls for the European Parliament elections slated for May 26, 2019. La
Pen has claimed that a victory in those elections would constitute a
sort of dress rehearsal for French presidential elections and a
“democratic” opportunity to compel Macron to change his policies.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon, leader of the far-left party Unbowed France (La
France Insoumise, or LFI), which has 17 representatives in the
parliament, also calls frequently for a “nonviolent” civil revolt.
The “yellow vest” demonstrations reflect
disappointment with the young president. During his election campaign,
Macron kindled hopes by touting far-reaching economic reforms. But the
reforms he has espoused while in office have sparked widespread
criticism that has made them difficult to implement. Macron has also had
trouble carrying out legislative initiatives on key issues such as
illegal immigration and crime in the suburbs. And despite his ambition
to be a president of both the right and the left, he has drawn harsh
criticism from both sides. His reforms are perceived as benefiting the
rich, and he is seen as exceedingly arrogant for calling himself
“Jupiter.”
Amid the dramatic political polarization between
extreme left and extreme right, the weakening of the parties of the
center, and the almost complete disappearance of the parties of the
past, Macron has failed to present a real alternative. His new party,
The Republic on the March (La République en Marche, or LREM), which won a
respectable majority in the June 2017 parliamentary elections, includes
many delegates who lack either political experience or a significant
electoral base. Even before the “yellow vest” riots, public support for
the president had declined dramatically to 29% (in September 2018). At
the start of December 2018, when the mass demonstrations began, support
for Macron sank to a new low of 23%.
The “yellow vest” demonstrations, by contrast,
have garnered considerable public and media sympathy. Historically the
French have tended to romanticize popular protest such as the student
demonstrations of 1968. Demonstrations and strikes by workers’
organizations, too, have usually won public sympathy despite the
difficulties they cause and the violence that sometimes accompanies
them.
The “yellow vest” demonstrations differ from those
of the past. They have gone on for a long time and are occurring all
over the country, and it is not clear when they will end. The “yellow
vests” have yet to present a leadership and a set of coherent demands,
making it difficult to negotiate an end to the crisis. The signs waved
at the demonstrations speak of general demands for justice and economic
equality, high taxes on the wealthy, and a “referendum by civil
initiative” (Referendum d’intiative citoyenne, or RIC) on basic
questions of government and economy. But because of sharp disagreements
among themselves, the “yellow vests” have failed so far to create a new
political framework and have been unable to come up with a list of
candidates to run in the European Parliament elections.
The wide public support for the “yellow vests” is
beginning to erode. The demonstrations have caused damage to public and
private property, with shops ransacked, cars burned, police officers
attacked, main roads blocked, and attempts to break into public
buildings and governmental offices.
The acts of violence and vandalism are perpetrated
by radical leftists, radical rightists, anarchists, and rioters from
the suburbs who join the demonstrations, which are supposed to be
conducted nonviolently, along a particular route, and with police
oversight. At certain stages, usually when a demonstration is about to
disperse, the radical elements clash with the police and stray into
streets that are not part of the approved route, where they engage in
plunder and destruction. The radicals chant anti-establishment slogans
that demand not only Macron’s resignation but also a complete overhaul
of France’s governmental and economic system.
During the protests, extreme leftists direct their
attacks at shops, department stores, banks, insurance agencies, and
cars, which they see as signifying the capitalist establishment. They
have likewise tried to damage national symbols such as the Arch of
Triumph, the National Assembly, and the Senate. On January 5, 2019, four
“yellow vests” used a forklift to break through the gate of the
building of the government spokesman, Deputy Minister Benjamin Griveaux,
who was evacuated in a state of panic by security officers. The
incident stirred outrage among the authorities as well as the public,
and about a month later those involved in the assault were arrested.
Another incident that sparked an outcry occurred
on February 9, 2019, when a demonstrator set fire to a car of the
Vigipirate forces, who are charged with safeguarding citizens against
terror attacks. The demonstrators also damaged a fence near the Eiffel
Tower that was designed for protection against terror. These acts of
violence drew harsh responses, particularly with many in the country
concerned about terror and fearing the possible return of dozens of
French citizens who joined ISIS. In an attack with a gun and a knife
near the Christmas market in Strasbourg on December 11, 2018, an
Islamist terrorist killed and wounded many.
The French government’s response to the
demonstrations has included concessions and attempts at dialogue on the
one hand and a toughening of police methods on the other. While
condemning the violence, Macron has accepted responsibility for the
situation while emphasizing, rightly, that the problems had been
developing for many years before his presidency.
Macron has rescinded the fuel-tax hike that was
supposed to be part of the reforms aimed at limiting the harm wrought by
global warming and at making a transition to green energy. He has also
announced measures to increase the purchasing power of disadvantaged
sectors, such as canceling the decision to increase taxes for most
pensioners, canceling taxes on overtime work, and increasing the minimum
wage by a hundred euros. In addition, Macron took part in public
debates throughout France on various sectoral problems and expressed
readiness to hold a referendum in which – notwithstanding what the
demonstrators demand – it will be the government that decides which
questions will be included. He has said, however, that he will not
support a simplistic referendum with yes-or-no answers. Macron’s
measures gained a positive response from the French public, as evidenced
in January 2019 when his approval rating rose to 35%.
Alongside the economic sweeteners, the French
authorities adopted tough tactics toward violent demonstrators including
water hoses, tear-gas grenades, and even rubber bullets, which severely
wounded some demonstrators and provoked condemnations of the Interior
Ministry and the police. At the beginning of January 2019, PM Édouard
Philippe initiated stringent legislation aimed at fighting violent
demonstrators, including banning face coverings, opening criminal files
against those taking part in unlicensed demonstrations, charging vandals
for damages, and checking the files of participants to identify weapons
and dangerous objects.
Despite the sweeteners and Macron’s willingness to
consider demonstrators’ demands, the violent demonstrations have not
stopped, and the prevailing assessment is that they will continue. The
ongoing Saturday demonstrations have resulted in injuries to hundreds of
police officers and civilians and the deaths of 18 civilians. Thousands
have been arrested and quickly put on trial. Very heavy economic
damages have been inflicted on public property and on many French
citizens. Economists have estimated that the financial sweeteners will
cause a loss of over 10 billion euros in revenues, apart from all the
damage to public and private property.
In many cases, too, the violent demonstrations
have included severe acts of antisemitism. Both far-right and far-left
demonstrators have vilified Macron for ostensibly supporting Jews or for
being controlled by them. On November 2, 2018, a far-right
demonstration in Strasbourg that passed close to the Great Synagogue
included jeers directed at the worshippers. A Jewish-owned bagel store
was covered with Nazi symbols and taunts. On February 16, 2019, radical
demonstrators attacked the philosopher Alain Finkielkraut with screams
and curses, calling him a “dirty Jew and Israel supporter,” and the
police had to whisk him away to his home. Finkielkraut said the
attackers were Islamists and also spoke of the “self-righteousness” of
extreme leftists who support them and accede to their antisemitism with
seemingly moralistic justifications about opposing racism and
“occupation.”
Such incidents have aroused severe criticism and
shock among the authorities, the media, and much of the public. On
February 19, a mass demonstration against antisemitism was held in Paris
– just hours after some 80 graves were desecrated in a Jewish cemetery
near Strasbourg. A 74% increase in French antisemitism over the past
year, particularly involving the “yellow vest” demonstrations, has
induced deep anxiety among French Jews, who say condemnations and
counterdemonstrations are not enough and call for strict punishments
instead.
The acts of violence and vandalism have undermined
confidence in the government’s ability to ensure the peace of its
citizens, and have damaged France’s image and status in Europe and the
world. Continued violent demonstrations could lead to anarchy and even
to civil war between the radical left and the radical right. The mass
demonstrations could also become a model for attacks on other democratic
regimes in Europe and beyond.
France will have to decide quickly and resolutely
on issues involving limits on freedom of speech and assembly. The
cynical and distorted abuse of those freedoms undermines the basic
rights of the silent majority and jeopardizes security, freedom of
movement and occupation, property, and the stability of the democratic
regime.
Source: https://besacenter.org/perspectives-papers/yellow-vests-france-antisemitism/
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