by A.J. Caschetta
U.S. media outlets have missed the reality that Iran runs Lebanon like a Shia colony.
Like it or not, Hezbollah has a lock on Lebanon.
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After the Trump administration withheld $105 million in aid to Lebanon's military in late September, the Washington press corps thought it smelled another Ukraine-style Trump scandal. The New York Times complained that Trump "officials halted the funding to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), which Congress, the Pentagon and the State Department had approved, at a critical time."
U.S. media outlets have missed the reality that Iran runs Lebanon like a Shia colony.
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The Washington Post assured its readers that "there is little to no evidence to suggest that the LAF actively cooperates with Hezbollah." The qualifiers "little to no" and the adverb "actively" betray an editorial caution that imply some evidence of at least passive LAF-Hezbollah cooperation.
Somehow each of these media outlets has missed the reality that Iran runs Lebanon like the Shia colony it has become. Up until he was killed on January 2, Qasem Soleimani, commander of Iran's al-Quds Force, traveled freely to and throughout Lebanon like a Persian general keeping a watchful eye on the indigenous regiments in the northernmost satrapy of his master's empire. One of that empire's most reliable tools is Hezbollah, which controls the Lebanese government.
Michel Aoun wouldn't be president without Hezbollah's support.
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The Lebanese government is the Hezbollah government.
"There has been no state of Lebanon for some time now," as Mordechai Kedar of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies says, for Hezbollah controls everything; Lebanon's "parliament, government, president, and all of the other state institutions are nothing more than a façade for players directed by [Hassan] Nasrallah."
Nations give arms and cash to other nations for self-interested reasons.
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The current impeachment rhetoric notwithstanding, all foreign policy is a quid pro quo. Unlike relief efforts, rescue missions and vaccination programs, which are philanthropic endeavors undertaken out of altruism, nations give arms and cash to foreign powers and train foreign troops for selfish reasons. If the recipient isn't an ally and isn't willing to promote the donor nation's interest, either directly or indirectly, it doesn't deserve the investment.
Egypt's American-funded military fights American foes.
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US investments in Egypt have paid much better returns than those in other parts of the Muslim world. For well over a decade, Pakistan not only squandered US cash and did very little to promote our interests, but also lied to us about many things – the Taliban, the Haqqanis, the whereabouts of Osama bin Laden.
Perhaps the most absurd comment about aid to Lebanon came from former US ambassador to Lebanon Jeffrey Feltman who told the House Foreign Affairs Committee in November that aid to the LAF should be restored "because of the program's merit in terms of improving the LAF's counterterrorism performance." This is laughable. If the LAF is not fighting Hezbollah it is not engaging in any meaningful counterterrorism.
Lebanon's military should receive more U.S. aid only after it establishes a record of killing Hezbollah terrorists.
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Congress, the Pentagon and the State Department may think that sending money to Lebanon is a good idea, but it isn't. Sending money to Lebanon means sending money to Hezbollah. It's that simple.
A.J. Caschetta is a Ginsberg-Ingerman fellow at the Middle East Forum and a principal lecturer at the Rochester Institute of Technology.
Source: https://www.meforum.org/60283/funding-lebanon-is-funding-hezbollah
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