by Charles Bybelezer
Leaving aside the virtually unreported incidents that same week of the drive-by-shootings in Paris targeting the David Ben Ichay Synagogue, the Al Haeche kosher restaurant and a Jewish-owned publishing house, only a Kafkaesque willful blindness could suggest that citizens being run down on the streets constituted a mere threat of terrorism rather than a terrorist problem of the first order.
Three days before Christmas, one unsuspecting holiday shopper was killed and nine others injured when a van ploughed through a crowded market in Nantes, located in western France. The attack came a day after a man, shouting “Allahu Akbar,” rammed his car into crowds in the eastern city of Dijon, injuring thirteen people; this, some twenty-four hours after an assailant stabbed and wounded three police officers in Joue-les-Tours, central France, likewise while yelling “God is the greatest” in Arabic.
A day after the Dijon attack, which the 
perpetrator dedicated to the children of “Palestine,” France’s Interior 
Minister, Bernard Cazeneuve, called on the public “to not draw hasty 
conclusions since…[the driver’s] motives have not been established.” 
Nevertheless, and despite the fact that “the investigation had barely 
begun,” Dijon’s public prosecutor, Marie-Christine Tarrare, made clear 
that the incident was “not a terrorist act at all.”
It took the third attack before French Prime 
Minister Manuel Valls came closest to accepting reality, conceding that,
 “there is, as you know, a terrorist threat to France.”
Leaving aside the virtually unreported 
incidents that same week of the drive-by-shootings in Paris targeting 
the David Ben Ichay Synagogue, the Al Haeche kosher restaurant and a 
Jewish-owned publishing house, only a Kafkaesque willful 
blindness could suggest that citizens being run down on the streets 
constituted a mere threat of terrorism rather than a terrorist problem of the first order.
The icing on the cake was an official French pronouncement that no link had been found between any of these events.
For starters, how about Islam?!
Across the globe, residents of Sydney were 
still reeling from the surreal siege on a café, which left two civilians
 dead. During the 16-hour standoff, Australian Prime Minister Tony 
Abbott addressed the nation, asserting, “we don’t yet know the 
motivation of the [hostage-taker].”
At that point, however, it was evident that 
the individual who would later be named as Man Haron Monis, an Iranian 
refugee and self-styled sheikh, was acting out of religious conviction; 
a black flag with clearly legible white Arabic writing had been forcibly
 held up by hostages against the restaurant’s front window.
Following the ordeal, once the extent of 
Monis’ extremism became public, Abbott had this to say: “These events do
 demonstrate that even a country as free, as open, as generous and as 
safe as ours is vulnerable to acts of politically motivated violence.”
Politically motivated…? How about religiously inspired?!
How could it be, Australian officialdom 
pondered, that someone with such a long and checkered history not have 
been under surveillance? The answer is that “sick and disturbed 
individual[s],” as Abbott described Monis, do not generally find their 
way onto terrorist watch lists, whereas radical Islamists might.
Monis fell through the cracks because the 
threat he posed was incorrectly characterized. While authorities (and 
much of the media) were quick to describe him as a “lone wolf,” the fact
 of the matter is that there have been multiple events throughout 
Australia over the past few months pointing to an extensive network of 
terrorist collaborators.
On September 23, Numan Haider was shot and 
killed outside a police station after stabbing two officers in the state
 of Victoria. He was found carrying an Islamic State flag.
Throughout September, in fact, Australian 
police conducted major anti-terrorism raids in Brisbane, Melbourne and 
Sydney. At least fifteen people were detained, including Omarjan 
Azari—an alleged associate of Mohammed Ali Baryalei, leader of the 
Islamic State in Australia—who was planning to behead a random civilian 
in broad daylight. Just days after Monis’ attack, Australian authorities
 arrested two men, including Sulayman Khalid, found in possession of 
documents designed to facilitate terrorism.
Monis’ was therefore not a random act, but rather part of a greater pattern of Islamic fanaticism in Australia.
While the denial of Islamic terrorism has 
long roots, it reached a post-9/11 turning point on November 5, 2009. On
 that day, thirteen people were massacred by Nidal Malik Hasan at a 
military base in Ford Hood, Texas.
A self-proclaimed “Soldier of Allah,” Hasan 
had been contacting al Qaeda leader Anwar al-Awlaki. He too 
shouted “Allahu Akbar” while gunning down dozens of people. 
Nevertheless, the White House worked overtime to ensure the mass killing
 was classified as “workplace violence.” In his initial response to the 
nation, U.S. President Barack Obama stated, “we cannot fully know what 
leads a man to do such a thing.”
Certainly not Islam!
Half a decade later, the families of Hasan’s 
victims are still fighting for combat-related benefits they would 
otherwise be privy to if their loved ones had been killed in 
a classified “terrorist attack.” By contrast, Hasan remained on the 
army’s payroll until his conviction in mid-2013, earning some $300,000 
in the interim.
Under Obama, references to Islamic terrorism 
have been purged from law enforcement documents and lexicon. He is, 
after all, the man who courted the Muslim Brotherhood, whose American 
front groups, mind you, were recently designated as terrorist 
organizations by Gulf States and Egypt. Obama is the Christian who 
played golf on December 25 with the Islamist leader of Malaysia, and who
 shares a special bond of trust with the Islamist dictator-in-progress 
of Turkey, a state-sponsor of Hamas.
His outreach to the Mullahs in Tehran confirms he is an equal opportunity (Sunni and Shiite) embracer of radical Muslims.
Obama’s actions have set the tone for the 
current whitewashing of Islamic terrorism in most of the West; 
thankfully, though, north of the border in Canada there is a clear-eyed 
leader to offer a counter-example, one that needs to be followed.
On October 20, Martin Couture-Rouleau, a 
Muslim convert and supporter of the Islamic State, rammed his car into 
two Canadian soldiers, killing one, just north of Montreal. Immediately 
thereafter, Prime Minister Stephen Harper defined the incident as a 
terrorist attack.
Two days later, another soldier was killed 
when Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, a convert to Islam who openly professed his 
admiration for jihadists, attacked parliament in Ottawa.
“I have been saying for a long time, we live 
in dangerous world,” Harper affirmed to lawmakers the next morning. 
“Terrorism has been here with us for a while.… [I draw] attention back 
to incidents such as the Toronto 18 [terror plot in 2006], the Via Rail 
conspiracy in 2013, and I could point to a number of others that most 
will never know about.”
Harper not only labelled the two October 
attacks as terrorism, but also properly contextualized them as the 
latest in a long series of Islamic plots.
Only by correctly defining a problem can one 
begin to effectively combat it: A Muslim who runs over a dozen people 
while shouting “Allahu Akbar” is not simply “mentally unstable; ” he is a
 terrorist.
The delusional refusal in the West to accept 
this fact has contributed to the transformation of large swathes of 
Paris, Sydney, and other urban centers into Little Baghdads. And unless 
the confusion over “confused” Muslims killing people ceases, many 
Western countries can expect more dead bodies lining their streets in 
the future.
Charles Bybelezer is a correspondent for i24news.
Source: http://www.frontpagemag.com/2015/charles-bybelezer/whitewashing-islamic-terrorism-from-sydney-to-jerusalem/
Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors.
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