by Shimon Sherman
Above the General Board is the Executive Committee, the primary strategic and decision-making organ, chaired by Trump, who retains veto power.
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U.S. President Donald Trump participates in the
Board of Peace charter announcement and signing ceremony during the
World Economic Forum at the Davos Congress Center in Davos, Switzerland,
Jan. 22, 2026. Credit: Daniel Torok/White House. |
President Donald J. Trump signed the
charter for the Board of Peace on Thursday at the World Economic Forum
in Davos, marking the formal commencement of Phase 2 of the
administration’s Gaza peace initiative.
According to the Trump administration, the
signing ceremony, attended by regional leaders and global financial
executives, transitions the focus of the U.S. strategy from the current
ceasefire toward “demilitarization, reconstruction and civil
administration” of the Gaza Strip.
Phase 2 establishes a new governing
framework for the enclave, intended to replace Hamas and previous
international aid structures with a centralized board of stakeholders.
Under the terms of the charter, the Board of Peace is now the
self-appointed primary authority responsible for directing
reconstruction funds and overseeing the transition to a civilian
government.
“The whole architecture of the current
Trump plan is a very impressive effort which is unprecedented in many
ways,” Col. (res.) Eran Lerman, vice president of the Jerusalem
Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS), told JNS. “There have been
ideas in this direction of an international oversight for many years,
and this implementation is by far the most concrete and advanced of any
of those programs.”
Lerman added, however, that the plan is in very early stages and “for now it only exists on paper.”
International oversight
The newly established Board of Peace is
organized into a tiered hierarchy of multiple levels of oversight
committees. At its base sits the General Board of Peace, a plenary body
composed of heads of state.
While invitations have been extended to
more than 60 nations, including everyone from the pope to Belarusian
dictator Aleksander Lukashenko, only 35 countries have so far accepted
membership. Notably, most European countries, including the United
Kingdom, France and Germany, have declined a position on the board,
leading to significant dominance of the Middle Eastern Arab states on
the Board of Peace.
This assembly serves as the foundational
body for the initiative’s international legitimacy, though the charter
explicitly grants the chairman-for-life, U.S. President Donald Trump,
sole authority to invite new members and appoint his own successor.
Under the terms of the charter, while nations may accept a three-year
rotating term at no cost, a $1 billion cash contribution to the Board’s
fund secures a permanent seat.
Above the General Board is the Executive
Committee, the primary strategic and decision-making organ. Chaired by
President Trump, who retains absolute veto power, this committee is
tasked with “operationalizing” the Board’s vision. Key members include
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who serves as the diplomatic lead,
and senior adviser Jared Kushner, the principal architect of the
administration’s “New Gaza” vision.
They are joined by U.S. Special Envoy
Steve Witkoff, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and private
equity executive Marc Rowan of Apollo Global Management. Rounding out
the committee are World Bank President Ajay Banga and U.S. Deputy
National Security Advisor Robert Gabriel, providing a mix of
institutional financial weight and operational strategy.
The final tier is the Gaza Executive
Board, which functions as the direct link between the high-level
strategists and the administration on the ground. The Executive Board
includes many of the lower-level members of the Executive Committee in
addition to regional players such as Egyptian intelligence chief Hassan
Rashad; UAE Minister of State for International Cooperation Reem Al
Hashimy; Ali al-Thawadi, a senior aide to the Qatari prime minister; and
Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan.
Rounding out the Executive Board are Dutch diplomat Sigrid Kaag
and Israeli-Cypriot real estate developer Yakir Gabay, who is expected
to oversee the physical implementation of reconstruction projects.
On the ground administration
Directly bridging the gap between the
Executive Board and the local administration is Nickolay Mladenov, the
newly appointed high representative for Gaza and director of the
Executive Board. A Bulgarian diplomat and former U.N. special
coordinator for the Middle East peace process, Mladenov is tasked with
the daily synchronization of governance, reconstruction and security
efforts between the civil authorities in Gaza and the Executive Board.
“Most Israelis respect and trust Nikolay
Mladenov. We came to know him when he was U.N. envoy,” Lerman observed.
“He has a deep understanding of the Israeli position and has a deep
criticism of the Palestinian Authority and its corruption. We have no
difficulty accepting this appointment.”
Meanwhile, the civil administration of the
Gaza Strip has been assigned to the National Committee for the
Administration of Gaza (NCAG), a 15-member body of Palestinian
technocrats. Under the terms of its mandate, the NCAG is responsible for
restoring public services, managing infrastructure projects, and
overseeing civil institutions.
The committee is chaired by Ali Shaath, a
Gaza-born civil engineer who previously served as the Palestinian
Authority deputy minister of planning and international cooperation, as
well as the undersecretary for the ministry of transport and
communications. Shaath belongs to a prominent Gazan clan with deep
historical ties to Fatah.
Several key members of the NCAG have
extensive histories within the Palestinian Authority’s administrative
and security sectors. The interior and internal security portfolio is
held by Sami Nasman, a veteran officer of the P.A.’s General
Intelligence Service and a lifelong Fatah member.
Nasman, who was sentenced to 15 years in
absentia by a Hamas-run court in 2016 for allegedly destabilizing the
Strip, is tasked with managing Gaza’s local policing. Other members with
P.A. backgrounds include Adnan Abu Warda (Justice), a former judge in
the P.A.’s Supreme Constitutional Court, and Osama Al Saadawi (Housing),
a former P.A. minister of state for entrepreneurship and empowerment.
The National Committee’s economy and trade
portfolio is held by Ayed Abu Ramadan, the current head of the Gaza
Chamber of Commerce. Abu Ramadan has also served as the director of the
Palestine Islamic Bank, a financial institution that has historically
had proximity to Hamas-controlled financial structures. Israeli security
monitors have expressed concern that the Palestine Islamic Bank has
facilitated transactions for Hamas-affiliated businesses.
While the NCAG is presented as a
technocratic body, Hamas leadership in Cairo has publicly instructed its
own administrative agencies to prepare to cede civil power to the
committee, while simultaneously maintaining that its “military” wing
will not be subject to the committee’s jurisdiction.
While the NCAG has responsibility over
civil administration, the security and demilitarization component of the
Trump plan is led by the International Stabilization Force (ISF),
commanded by U.S. Maj. Gen. Jasper Jeffers. Jeffers, who recently served
as a monitor for the Israel-Hezbollah ceasefire in Lebanon, is
authorized to oversee security operations and the dismantling of
military infrastructure.
However, the ISF currently operates
without a standing army. President Trump has confirmed that no U.S.
combat troops will be deployed to Gaza, and several potential
contributors, including Azerbaijan, have declined to participate. While
countries such as Italy and Indonesia remain in discussions regarding
troop contributions, no commitments have been finalized.
“The ISF has no committed forces and
exists only on paper,” Lerman explained. He went on to note that while
Jeffers “has a very impressive record,” he is “operating by himself.”
Lerman added that “even if some troops
were committed, I find it very difficult to believe that the ISF will at
any point be in the position to march in and actively disarm Hamas. At
this stage, the ISF is not a paper tiger but just a paper document.”
The ‘New Gaza’ plan
Beyond the various administrative
structures, the Trump administration is seeking to couple this effort
with a broad reconstruction plan. The economic and structural blueprint
for the enclave’s future was presented by senior adviser Jared Kushner,
who outlined a multi-phased redevelopment project estimated to require
at least $25 billion in initial funding.
The “New Gaza” master plan, designed in
part by Gabay, envisions the transformation of the Strip into a
free-market economic hub by 2035. The plan’s stated goals include
lifting Gaza’s Gross Domestic Product to $10 billion and raising the
average annual household income to more than $13,000.
Central to the proposal is the creation of
a Coastal Tourism Zone along Gaza’s Mediterranean shoreline. Renderings
displayed at Davos featured approximately 180 mixed-use high-rise
towers, including luxury hotels, villas and commercial spaces.
The inland areas are designated for
residential neighborhoods, industrial complexes and data centers,
spanning more than 25 square kilometers (around 6,200 acres). Supporting
infrastructure projects include a new seaport, an airport, a freight
rail line connected to a regional logistics corridor, and a “trilateral
crossing” at Rafah to facilitate the movement of goods between Gaza,
Egypt and Israel.
The reconstruction is set to begin with a
100-day “reconstruction sprint” focused on southern Gaza. The plan
prioritizes the development of “New Rafah,” which is slated to include
more than 100,000 workforce housing units, medical facilities and
schools, with a target completion date for initial phases within three
years.
To fund these projects, the U.S.
administration has announced an international investment conference to
be held in Washington in the coming weeks, where the Board of Peace
hopes to secure significant commitments from the private sector and
regional stakeholders.
Jerusalem’s concern
Jerusalem has maintained a complex
response to the launch of the Board of Peace, rooted primarily in a lack
of strategic coordination between Washington and the Prime Minister’s
Office. On Jan. 17, the Prime Minister’s Office issued a formal
statement asserting that the announcement regarding the Gaza Executive Board “was not coordinated with Israel and runs contrary to its policy.”
This friction was exacerbated by the
unilateral nature of the Davos signing, which proceeded despite
Jerusalem’s requests for further clarification on the board’s mandate
and specifically its oversight of Israeli security interests.
A central point of Israeli contention is
the inclusion of al-Thawadi and Fidan on the Executive Board due to
Turkey’s and Qatar’s long-term support for Hamas. Government officials
have argued that including nations that have historically hosted Hamas
leadership effectively bolsters the terror group’s political standing.
Prime Minister Netanyahu
echoed these concerns in the Knesset, vowing once more on Jan. 20 that
“there will be no Turkish or Qatari soldiers in the Gaza Strip.”
A primary concern within the Israeli
security establishment is the requirement to begin reconstruction while
Hamas remains partially armed.
In a recent analysis for the JISS, Col.
(res.) Professor Gabi Siboni and Brig. Gen. (res.) Erez Winner wrote
that the plan’s success depends on “steadfast adherence to Hamas’s
disarmament, strict enforcement at every stage, and preventing any
attempt by Hamas or regional actors to undermine its implementation.”
They argued that a transition to
civilian-led reconstruction while terror tunnel networks are still being
mapped creates a risk where the “start of the reconstruction process”
begins before Hamas’s “military” capabilities are fully dismantled.
“Trying to move this plan forward without
disarming Hamas is like producing Hamlet without the prince. Without
that key element there is no plan and there is no normal future for
Gaza,” Lerman said.
The return of the last remaining hostage,
Border Police Master Sgt. Maj. Ran Gvili, also continues to serve as a
nonnegotiable prerequisite for Israel’s full participation in the plan.
Under what has been termed the “Ran Gvili Clause,” the Israeli
government has signaled it will not allow the National Committee for the
Administration of Gaza (NCAG) to fully function or reopen the Rafah
crossing until Gvili’s remains are returned.
The Hostages and Missing Families Forum
released a statement on Jan. 14, urging the prime minister to honor his
private commitment that “Israel would not proceed to phase two of the
deal until Gvili is brought home,” arguing that moving forward without
his return would surrender Israel’s most significant source of leverage.
Analysts have further questioned the plan’s long-term viability, given the radicalized state of the Gazan population.
Michael Milshtein, head of the Palestinian
Studies Forum at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African
Studies, has pointed out that current data shows support for “armed
struggle” remains as high as 70%.
He suggested that social engineering
projects through raw economic incentivization, such as the U.S.
administration’s focus on $40 billion in investment, may fail to achieve
de-radicalization.
Milshtein criticized the “misplaced belief
that reality and public perception can be engineered mechanically, that
economic incentives alone can reshape existence, and that these are
reliable foundations for policy, a belief that was one of the core
failures exposed on October 7.”
This assessment suggests that without a
fundamental shift in Gazan civil discourse, the “New Gaza” vision may
face a persistent internal threat that no amount of capital can
neutralize.
Shimon Sherman is a columnist covering global security, Middle Eastern affairs and
geopolitical developments. With a focus on investigative journalism and
expert interviews, his work offers critical insights into the most
pressing issues shaping international relations and security.
Source: https://www.jns.org/board-of-peace-explained-how-it-works-and-who-is-running-it/
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