by Reuters and Israel Hayom Staff
Nearly a year since the signing of the Hamas-Fatah "national reconciliation" deal, the two groups are no nearer to bridging their differences and tackling the challenges Palestinians face • Fatah official: Hamas does not want division to end.
Hamas Prime Minister Ismail
Haniyeh and PA President Mahmoud Abbas meet in Gaza in 2007
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Photo credit: Reuters |
In recent weeks, many envoys have beaten a
path to Gaza's door: Representatives from Qatar, Turkey, the United
Nations, the European Union and former U.S. President Jimmy Carter have
all visited or tried to visit.
Yet the result has been the same: no success
in reconciling Hamas, the Islamic terrorist group that has controlled
Gaza since 2007, and Fatah, the more secular, Western-backed party that
runs the Palestinian Authority from the West Bank.
Nearly a year since Hamas and Fatah signed a
"national reconciliation" agreement, the two are no nearer to bridging
their differences or tackling the mounting challenges Palestinians face.
Fatah is convinced that Hamas, which fought a
war with Israel in Gaza nine months ago, is trying to carve out an
Islamist fiefdom in the 360 square kilometers of the Gaza Strip. Hamas
goads Fatah about its unwillingness to hold elections out of fear it
will lose and Hamas will end up in full control.
Such deep internal divisions are in part the
reason why Israel repeats that it has no Palestinian partner to deal
with, making a return to peace negotiations near impossible.
"Hamas does not want the division to end,"
said senior Fatah official Amin Maqboul. He said Hamas, whose leader
Khaled Mashaal lives in self-imposed exile in Qatar, has its own plan
for Gaza.
"We know that Hamas has never been in favor of
a Palestinian state," he said, suggesting that rather than forging
unity with the West Bank and east Jerusalem, the group is determined to
create an Islamist "emirate" on the Mediterranean.
For its part, Hamas says Palestinian Authority
President Mahmoud Abbas shows no real inclination towards
reconciliation, sending envoys to Gaza rather than coming himself from
the West Bank. His large home in Gaza, not far from the sea, has been
turned into an office for cabinet ministers and a venue for angry
rallies.
"There is nothing more we can do, no more that we can do to facilitate reconciliation," said Hamas spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri.
Foreign diplomats express deep frustration
with the situation and tend to find blame on both sides: Hamas is
authoritarian and difficult to pin down, but Abbas and Fatah seem
inclined to wash their hands of Gaza, too.
"You can't impose a solution from the outside. These guys have got to sort it out themselves," said one European diplomat.
Gaza political analyst Hani Habib sees a dangerous future.
"Seven years on, we are closer to having two
[Palestinian] states, one in Gaza and one in the West Bank, not the two
states of Palestine and Israel," he said.
The impact of the stand-off is widespread, but
in two areas it is particularly problematic: It is stalling rebuilding
in Gaza after the war and it is undermining democratic legitimacy, with
the last Palestinian elections held nearly a decade ago.
A U.N.-brokered agreement with Israel to allow
reconstruction materials into Gaza, where 130,000 homes were damaged or
destroyed in last year's war, requires the PA to take back control of
border security and administration in Gaza.
But there is no agreement between Hamas and
the PA on such cooperation. As a result there is still only a trickle of
reconstruction goods and equipment flowing into Gaza, a source of
intense aggravation to Gazans.
Meanwhile, the question of Palestinian
elections will not go away. Hamas narrowly won the last legislative vote
in January 2006, although its government only lasted until mid-2007,
when a Fatah-Hamas conflict blew up and the Islamists seized Gaza.
At the same time, Abbas has been Palestinian president since 2005, even though his term theoretically expired in 2009.
Now 80, he has indicated that he will not run
for another term, but he has also set no date for legislative and
presidential elections, saying the time is not right.
The concern is that Hamas is too popular. A
student council election last month at Birzeit University near Ramallah
was handily won by Hamas. Another election at An-Najah University in
Nablus was canceled, although officials said it was not because of the
Hamas threat.
Since then, Hamas supporters have teased Fatah
about its reluctance to hold elections. Carter and other envoys have
urged Palestinian leaders not to abandon the democratic process.
But quietly diplomats also acknowledge that if
parliamentary and presidential elections were to be held and Hamas won
-- as is possible -- it would be extremely difficult to engage, with
Hamas listed as a terrorist organization by the United States and EU.
And it would rule out any return to negotiations with
Israel's newly elected right-wing government, putting a two-state
solution to the conflict even further out of reach.
Reuters and Israel Hayom Staff
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