by MEMRI
Daoud Shihab called for "continuing the intifada and maintaining the escalation, in order to confront the Israeli occupation and thwart the American plans concerning Jerusalem and the issue of the refugees."
In
recent weeks, there have been reports of an initiative launched by
social activists in the Gaza Strip, in collaboration with Hamas and the
Palestinian factions, for Palestinian refugees in all areas bordering on
Israel, to march en masse towards the border, erect there
"Return Encampments," "nonviolently breach" the border into Israeli
territory, and demand to actualize the Palestinian right of return. The
organizers of the initiative, dubbed "The Great Return March," have
called it a nonviolent move for implementing the Palestinian refugees'
right of return, as part of a general initiative in countries bordering
Israel. However, some have raised questions about the usefulness of
these mass marches, because other, similar campaigns in the past have
failed to achieve results.
The leading factions involved in the
initiative are Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), the Popular Front
for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), and supporters of former senior
Fatah official Muhammad Dahlan, who in 2011 was expelled from Fatah
because he was a rival of Palestinian Authority (PA) President and Fatah
leader Mahmoud 'Abbas. To date, there have been no official PA or Fatah
announcements about this initiative.
Great Return March Facebook page; as of this writing, the page has
some 6,000
followers (Facebook.com/maseera2018, February 22, 2018.)
Hamas and the Palestinian factions have
clarified that this initiative is part of the "popular intifada" in the
struggle against Israel, which is an additional form of struggle. This
is the first time that Hamas and the factions, which
traditionally have based their activity on the principle of armed
struggle and have been harshly critical of Fatah and the PA for engaging
in political activity, have been willing to diversity their methods and
include such forms of allegedly nonviolent political struggle.
This paper will review reports on the Great Return March, and the discussion about it in online newspapers and social media.
Gaza Strip Activists: "The Campaign Proves That The Descendants Of The Refugees Still Cling To Their Right Of Return"
On February 8, 2018, the Gaza daily Filastin
reported that social activists in the Gaza Strip were promoting the
Great Return March initiative. A leading activist behind the initiative
Ahmad Abu Ratima explained: "The idea for the march came together in
light of [U.S. President Donald Trump's] statements about the 'Deal of
the Century'... and the American plans and statements aspiring to
eradicate the role of UNRWA and eliminate the problem of the refugees...[1]
This is the imminent danger threatening the Palestinian cause, and it
must be tackled with an assertive, extraordinary message [coming] from
the refugees, to be expressed in an extensive nonviolent demonstration
at the separation fence, in which the demonstrators will emphasize their
right of return and their refusal to submit to the [political]
arrangements aimed at eliminating the [refugee] problem...
"The current deterioration in the economic
situation in the Gaza Strip is [also] one of the primary reasons
pushing the activists towards the idea of organizing this march of
return... [The march] may begin in the coming weeks, with the completion
of the mobilization stage and in coordination with all elements of
society... There are several recruitment initiatives aimed at refugees
where they reside, mostly in the Gaza Strip. This proves that the
descendants of the refugees still cling to their right of return that is
anchored in international law and in UN resolutions... All the activity
on the ground that will soon be carried out near the separation fence
will be in the framework of the stage of recruitment, organization, and
stirring up the atmosphere before zero hour – which will be determined
on the ground... Recruitment is going well, against the backdrop of a
positive atmosphere fostered by all the [political] forces."[2]
On March 6, Abu Ratima said that the Great Return March activity would begin March 30, the 42nd Land Day.[3]
On its Facebook page, the initiative wrote
that "the nonviolent and popular march of millions of Palestinians will
set out from Gaza, from the West Bank, from Jerusalem, from Jordan,
from Lebanon, from Syria, and from Egypt in the direction of the lands
from which the Palestinians were expelled in 1948. The aim of the Return
March is to implement the right of return of the Palestinian people to
its land from which it was expelled, in accordance with UN resolutions
concerning the Palestinian right of return, including Resolution 194."[4]
The march coordinating committee wrote,
also on the Great Return March Facebook page: "Our Palestinian people
has decided to singlehandedly restore its rights and nonviolently return
to its land and its home, armed with the international resolutions,
international law, human rights principles, and the support of the free
peoples in the world. It has decided to set out towards Palestine in
nonviolent, mass, and popular marches comprising men, women, and
children, in throngs of refugees from all their temporary places of
residence, with the aim of returning, and nothing but returning, waving
the flag of Palestine and UN Resolution 194."[5]
Great Return March Facebook page: "A nonviolent, popular march of
millions of
Palestinians" (Facebook.com/maseera2018, February 5, 2018)
It should be noted that some Palestinians
are skeptical about the effectiveness of such initiatives. For example,
writer Dia Khalil called them "enthusiasm with dubious political
achievements" and noted that a similar initiative, in 2011, jointly with
Hizbullah, had achieved nothing. He wrote: "The idea was born out of
the precedent of Hizbullah in Lebanon, on Nakba Day 2011, when an
enthused public gathered next to the fence and teen boys and girls tried
to cross the fence into the occupied territories. Several were killed
and wounded, and there was no political reaction on the part of the
movement [Hizbullah]... [This time too] it can be expected that the
occupation forces will respond to the plan by opening fire, if it [the
plan] is implemented on the borders."[6]
Palestinian Islamic Jihad Spokesman: We Will Assure Protection For The Demonstrators
The Great Return March initiative is in
coordination with Hamas and the Palestinian factions because of their
political power and their recruitment, outreach, and education networks.[7]
Abu Ratima noted this coordination in a post on his Facebook page: "I
met today with [Palestinian] Legislative Council member and senior Fatah
official Ashraf Juma'a, at his invitation. He expressed great
enthusiasm for the idea, and willingness to help recruit for and
participate in [the march]. We agreed that there was a need for all the
factions and political forces to participate under a single flag – the
flag of Palestine. There will be a meeting with the leaders of Hamas,
the national factions, and the civil society institutions to discuss
this idea.
"Today I was called on by the civil
society institutions to participate in a workshop for the discussion of
this idea and how to implement it. Many writers, journalists, and
national figures agreed to support this initiative, and for this they
should be praised. Many young people and activists in the occupied
[West] Bank, in the 'interior' of Palestine [i.e. Israel], and in
Lebanon have expressed enthusiasm for participating in the march, and in
recruiting friends locally [to participate]."[8]
The Palestinian factions announced their
full support for the initiative, and added it to their agenda. Following
the February 17 explosion at the Israeli border with Gaza,[9]
the factions called on the Palestinian people to participate "in all
activities for Jerusalem and for the undisputed national rights and
principles of our people, headed by our right to return and to
reparations."[10]
Earlier, on March 7, Islamic Jihad senior official Khaled Al-Batsh
announced the establishment of the National Supreme Committee for the
March for Return and for Breaking the Siege, with the participation of
representatives of all the Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip, with
an emphasis on Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the PFLP, and followers of Muhammad
Dahlan.
Hamas official Isma'il Redwan said that the march activity would begin March 30, and would reach its peak on May 15, Nakba Day.[11]
He stressed that this activity "should take place without clashes [with
Israel] in order to protect the young people... The national and
Islamic forces are thinking seriously about activity that may force the
Zionist occupation and the international community to end the suffering
of our people in the Gaza Strip, [by means of] removing the siege and
opening the crossings... The current plan of action focuses on
organizing a march hundreds of thousands strong towards the border in
order to pressure the occupation."[12]
Islamic Jihad spokesman Daoud Shihab said:
"The resistance forces are currently prioritizing the popular
measures... The Palestinian factions have discussed holding the
marches... and ensuring protection for the demonstrators who will be
facing arbitrary force on the part of the Israeli occupation." He added
that Islamic Jihad had formed popular committees for conducting clashes
in the border regions in each of the Gaza Strip provinces beginning "in
the first week of the struggle against Trump's announcement [that
Jerusalem is the capital of Israel]."[13]
Shihab added that the Palestinian intellectual elite was behind the
idea, the main point of which was to "pressure the occupation and send
warning and resistance messages about the continuation of the current
[difficult] circumstances in the Gaza Strip." He called for "continuing
the intifada and maintaining the escalation, in order to confront the
Israeli occupation and thwart the American plans concerning Jerusalem
and the issue of the refugees."[14]
Hamas, Palestinian Factions: The Return March Is A Form Of Resistance
Abu Marzouq's tweet: "The Great March... is the path to victory and return." (Twitter.com/mosa_abumarzook, February 7, 2018)
On February 6, the Great Return March Facebook page posted an excerpt from an article by Hamas refugee department director 'Issam Adwan defining the march as a form of resistance.[17] It stated: "Palestinians across the world have no weapons, except for in the Gaza Strip. [But] lack of weapons absolutely does not mean refraining from resistance to the enemy occupying their land for 68 years... The enemy can be resisted by various means, and the peoples who have fallen under the rule of colonialism are experienced in these. Some of these means are nonviolent and others are violent. All are legal, accessible, and feasible, and all have an impact...
"Until the Palestinian people obtains weapons to regain its occupied land, it must act in light of what is accessible, practical, and feasible... The Palestinians have a tremendous human presence that surrounds the occupying enemy state from all directions, and that is estimated in the millions of people. Among them are a million Palestinians in Syria and Lebanon who suffer under the harshest and most grave conditions, to the point where dozens of them take the risk of [attempting] to cross the sea [to Europe] in search of a better life, despite the recurring drownings.
"Here a legitimate question arises... Why not breach the borders set up by the enemy in order to prevent their return to their occupied land? The arrival of thousands of families at these borders will shame the occupation, attract media sympathy for our people's cause, expose the nakedness of our enemy, arouse the region, and encourage our people to dare against the occupying enemy. What have our people to lose from such an attempt, except for the poverty and misery in which they currently suffer in the lands of refuge?
"Our people's [political] forces and all its factions support, help, welcome, and praise the demonstrators from among our people [who are already taking action] near the border [with Israel], both on the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip. Every day, more of them are killed and wounded, and no one mocks this 'nonviolent resistance,' despite its limited impact on the enemy. Will the march [to the border] by thousands of families, men, women, and children, carrying their luggage and belongings, singing about the return to the lands – the registration papers for which they still hold, and the right of return to which is guaranteed by international law and human rights principles – not have a greater impact than the [current] demonstrations at the border? Some of the resistance forces are planning the liberation of Palestine – all of Palestine – and drawing up strategic plans of action for achieving this supreme goal. Is it not more worthwhile for these forces to push their people to begin nonviolent resistance in a march of return that is less dangerous, less costly, and more accepted by the international community [than liberating all of Palestine].
"The march of return of thousands of Palestinians, particularly those families harmed by the abandoned war in Syria, and by the harsh conditions in Lebanon... is necessary, possible, legitimate, and legal... Planning this march well is the duty of all the Palestinian forces, without exempting families and individuals of the responsibility to join it... just as those who launched the Al-Quds intifada did when they set out and stormed the border fences without asking anyone's permission and without giving an accounting to anyone. Thus are heroes made."[18]
In 2012, Adwan said that "all forms of the resistance, headed by the armed resistance, will remain the genuine option to regain the land and the holy places and to actualize the liberation and return."[19] Drawing up a strategy for an asymmetrical struggle against Israel combining various forms of resistance that he referred to as "controlled conflict," he called on Hamas and the Palestinian factions to strike limited military blows and to respond with great restraint to Israel's counterattacks. This strategy, he said, "will place Gaza and its needs on the agenda of the international media and will motivate all the international, regional, and local forces to find solutions for the new circumstances created by the resistance." The impact of demonstrations by young Palestinians at the Israeli border would, he said, be minimal "unless tens of thousands of them take part in this activity."[20]
In another article, Adwan wrote that the Return March "is one of the most important forms of resistance, that is no less important than the armed struggle, which is the most serious form of resistance and the shortest way to return and liberation... There is no doubt that Land Day, March 30, must be the day to begin this global march, which will turn the 70th anniversary of the Nakba, in mid-May, into the starting point of the return to Palestine, and to the crucial stage of ending forever the game of negotiations and the marches for the false peace."[21]
Writer For Hamas Mouthpiece: The Barrier The Occupation Is Building Will Not Protect It From The March Of Thousands
Concurrently with the preparations for the
Great Return March, several incidents occurred that intensified the
tension between Israel and Hamas, including the February 10, 2018
Israeli airstrike in Syria in response to the infiltration of an Iranian
drone into its airspace, and the February 17, 2018 Israeli attack in
Gaza in response to the planting of an IED on the Gaza-Israel border.
The Hamas-affiliated press addressed the march both explicitly and
implicitly, including in articles discussing violent confrontation with
Israel.
For example, Ibrahim Al-Madhoun, a columnist for Hamas's mouthpiece Al-Risala,
addressed the topic in the context of the barrier that Israel is
constructing on the Gaza-Israel border to thwart the threat of Hamas's
attack tunnels. He wrote: "The occupation will be surprised to discover
that the barrier does not protect its soldiers when hundreds of
thousands of Gaza's residents spontaneously march on the border and
cross it, returning to their homes and their property, in a major
operation. The preparations and calls for this operation are increasing
from day to day, due to the suffocating siege."[22] Faiz Abu Shamalah, a Hamas-affiliated columnist, wrote on the Filastin
daily: "Will the people of Gaza rise up against the resistance [i.e.,
Hamas], or will they march, along with Hamas, to the border of the
Zionist state, in a ferocious mass-procession and demand the right to
return to Palestine, as well as action by the international community to
implement [UN] Resolution 181 [sic] The coming days will provide the
answer."[23] 'Imad 'Afana, the former secretary-general of Hamas's faction in the Palestinian Legislative Council, wrote in his Al-Risala
column: "Our people's resistance factions and active forces perhaps
have no choice but... to formulate plans for the practical realization
of the right of return, considering the relative porousness of the
[Zionist] entity's borders these days." [24]
In an article devoted in its entirety to
the Great March of Return, Ibrahim Al-Madhoun wrote: "The Great Return
March is the best way to make the Palestinians' voice heard and to
realize the aspiration of return... Only this civilized march will tip
the scales and provide the Palestinian people with a highly effective
weapon, without spilling a single drop of blood... The idea of the
large-scale popular march is one of the Palestinians' most powerful
weapons and we must prepare and plan for it well, and recruit
[participants]... It will not be surprising if the [Palestinian]
factions rally around the call to stage riots in light of the deepening
crisis, for silence and calm mean [nothing but] a slow death... What do
we have to lose in Gaza except crises, chaos, anxiety and economic
deterioration bordering on collapse? Why not consider a collective march
of return in which everyone will participate – young and old, weak and
strong, man and woman, leader and soldier? The faction leaders and
elites shall lead us. We shall raise the Palestinian banner and unite
our efforts."[25]
Great Return March Spokesman: The Is A Non-Violent Struggle In The Style Of Nelson Mandela And Martin Luther King
The march organizers and Gaza journalists
made sure to stress that two coordinated and complementary struggles are
taking place simultaneously on the Gaza border: an armed struggle and
an unarmed one, both of which are legitimate. They added that Israel is
trying to blur the distinction between the two in order to undermine and
criminalize the non-violent struggle.
In response to the February 2 IED
incident, Abu Ratima wrote on his Facebook page: "The version [of the
incident provided] by the occupation army, [purporting that
Palestinians] used a Palestine flag placed on the Gaza border in order
to carry out a violent operation, is a dangerous and loaded version. It
aims to create a political and media climate [conducive to] intensifying
Israel's violence against the non-violent operations in the future, on
the pretext that [these operations] serve as a cover for armed activity.
I find it hard to believe that the timing of the incident was innocent,
for it came simultaneously with the call for increasing the refugee
protests and for a non-violent march of return. However, the fact that
the occupation tasked its most senior spokesman with marketing its
version [of the incident] shows that the occupation is taking the
scenario of the Great Return March very seriously and is already
preparing ways to contend with it. The armed factions must recognize the
seriousness of the current period, and understand that the Great Return
March is a completely non-violent action, and that mixing it with any
other aspect of the resistance will harm it. The goal of the Great
Return March is more important than the killing or wounding of a few
soldiers... The march will begin with a demonstration unrestricted in
time at least 700 meters from the separation fence, and it does not aim
to reach the fence at this stage."[26]
Abu Ratima's Facebook post following the February 17, 2018 IED incident on the border
Radwan Al-Akhras, writer for the Qatari daily Al-Arabi Al-Jadeed, noted
that the February 17 explosion on the border was a message to Israel
from Hamas and the armed factions not to harm Palestinians demonstrating
near the fence or participants in events such as the Great Return
March: "The resistance has warned, more than once in recent months...
that it will not remain silent about the occupation's siege and
recurring attacks [on the Gaza Strip], about the assassinations [there],
or about the repression of demonstrators. Perhaps this explosion came
in this framework, and it may be connected to the upcoming period, now
in planning and preparation, for bringing together great crowds near the
border under the motto of return, or of breaking the siege, and perhaps
as part of this message they wanted to say that attacking [these]
gatherings will be an unexpected spark that will ignite everything [into
a situation] that the Zionists fear, and they are unprepared for this.
The occupation wants to take advantage of this explosion against its
soldiers in order to intimidate the [Great Return March] demonstrators
so that they will stay away from the border, by spreading a story that
links the demonstrations with the explosion."[27]
Journalist Jibril 'Odeh wrote in the Filastin
daily that the armed operations of Hamas and the factions should not be
criticized, even for the sake of defending the non-violent struggle:
"Some people went too far in their negative interpretation of the 'flag
ambush' [i.e., the IED incident] and even linked it to a future event,
namely to the Great Return March, stating that the operation had been
meant to sabotage the march. That is an unwise and dangerous statement,
which harms the resistance of the Palestinians everywhere... Perhaps we
must warn those who carry out sincere national operations and
initiatives against falling into this shameful pattern of behavior... We
must not forget the importance of military action in the war for
independence, just as we should not underestimate the importance of
political, popular, media and cultural [action] that is committed to the
homeland and defends the rights of our people. What happened in eastern
Khan Younis [the IED incident] was a heroic act that expressed the
enduring spirit of resistance burning in the hearts of the Palestinians,
[an act] that complements the resistance [activity in the] arenas of
Jerusalem, Nablus, Jenin, Hebron and all the Palestinian cities. The
resistance is one entity, and a gunshot fired in Jenin is no different
from an explosive charge in Khan Younis."[28]
In an article he published on the
arabi21.com website, which is close to the Muslim Brotherhood, Abu
Ratima warned against potential flaws in the initiative, in light of the
failure of past initiatives of this kind. He wrote: "Although the
Palestinian people of Gaza are [usually] inclined towards the armed
varieties of resistance, this time they accepted the idea of the Great
Return March with enthusiasm that did not escape the notice of anyone
who follows social media... Today this idea has a greater chance of
succeeding, now that the number of people who believe in it has grown,
but the effectiveness of the idea does not automatically guarantee its
success if we do not take care to consider several factors. First, this
is a completely non-violent march... which [must not] involve armed
action of any kind whatsoever... Second, the success of the idea depends
on the ability to recruit [enough people]... Hence, the factions must
make the effort to recruit at least 100,000 Gazans... Third,... this
non-violent action, of unlimited duration, [is meant]... to exhaust the
occupation on the security, political and media levels.
"Fourth, the involvement of the factions
is crucial in recruiting [participants] and in logistical support. The
Great Return March will not succeed without the active involvement of
the factions. At the same time, it is crucial to stress... the popular
character of the march and to raise the banner of Palestine and of [UN]
Resolution 194. Furthermore, figures known for their links to armed
resistance must not lead the marchers... Fifth, the discourse must focus
at this time on the non-violent revolution of an entire people that is
opposing the elimination of its [national] rights in order to escape the
slow death awaiting it in the Gaza Strip... Therefore we must highlight
[the participation of] families and let the women, children and elderly
people lead [the march]... Sixth, the march must [initially] take place
in a safe area, relatively far from the separation fence, for... this
plan is not aimed at bloodshed but at actualizing [the right of] return,
and this will not be possible until a sufficiently large number of
refugees gather and then march forth as one towards the homeland.
Seventh, the current international climate
will help the Palestinians in this non-violent activity, because
several years ago Europe opened its gates to tens of thousands of Syrian
refugees. So if Israel claims to be part of Western civilization, it
cannot kill unarmed refugees that are demanding the implementation of
the UN resolution about [their right of] return... Eighth, once the plan
is ripe, the [events on] the ground will determine the next step. If
the Gazan Palestinians manage to recruit 100,000 non-violent protesters,
and the other areas manage to recruit tens of thousands, the occupation
will be hard put to deal with these mass marches. Even if some people
are killed during the actual breaching [of the border]... but thanks to
[their sacrifice] the Palestinians manage to cross the separation fence
and reach their land that was occupied in 1948, it will be a reasonable
price to pay. Thousands of victims have fallen in the wars without
[achieving] any political results... This time, deaths will be justified
and will be for the sake of making a significant national achievement."[29]
In another article on the same website,
Abu Ratima focused on the rationale behind the initiative: "The
Palestinians have gained more confidence in the 'soft power' they can
wield... These non-violent protests will largely neutralize the vast
arsenal available to the occupation state... It will not be able to
confront this human flood using the principles of warfare [used in] war.
The option of force can be useful when confronting 5,000 protesters,
but it loses much of its power when facing 200,000 protesters, on more
than one front... The return marches have a moral transparency that
increases their chance of success. They call for the return of the
refugees to their homes in a non-violent manner, and do not espouse the
call to throw the Israelis into the sea. The occupation state's
objection to these marches does not rest upon convincing foundations.
It is a racist objection, aimed at maintaining the supremacy of the
Jewish race in the occupation state, and this is a position that goes
against the march of history. The world is no longer tolerant of regimes
like the South African apartheid regime, and the values of citizenship
and equality are now dominant. For this reason, the return marches will
force the occupation state into a difficult confrontation: a
confrontation between humanistic values that call for justice and rights
[on the one hand] and values of racist discrimination and genocidal
crimes [on the other].
"The marches of return are based on the
philosophy of rights, not on the philosophy of liberation. Liberation
means eliminating Israel and throwing its people into the sea, whereas
the struggle for rights, in the format [created by] Nelson Mandela, aims
at eliminating the racist settlement enterprise and realizing the
oppressed Palestinians' [right of] return and self-determination.
Following this, it does not matter whether the Israelis remain [in the
country] as individuals, or leave."[30]
In a post on his Facebook page, Abu Ratima
wrote: "Question: What is the next step after the success of the #Great
Return March and the entry of hundreds of thousands of Palestinian
refugees into Palestine that has been occupied since 1948? Answer: We
will insist on remaining 'inside' [i.e., in the 1948 territories] as a
demographically significant [sector] and a non-violent movement of
struggle, along with the 'inside' Arabs [i.e., Israeli Arabs], so as to
attain our civil rights, the way Martin Luther King did in the U.S."[31]
Abu Ratima's Facebook post
[1]
See more reactions by representatives of the Palestinian refugees in
the Gaza Strip to the U.S. decision to cut aid to UNRWA in MEMRI TV Clip
6385, Spokesman
For Gaza Refugees Hassan Jibril Following Cut Of U.S. Funding For
UNRWA: American And Israeli Interests In The Region Will Be Affected By
This, January 18, 2018.
[2] Felesteen.ps, February 8, 2018.
[3]
Felesteen.ps, March 6, 2018. Land Day is an annual protest day by the
Israeli Arabs society and a symbol of struggle for equality and rights.
It commemorates the March 30, 1976 protests against the Israeli
government's decision to seize lands belonging to Arabs in the Galilee,
which turned violent and ended in the killing of six Arab civilians by
the Israeli security forces.
[4] Facebook.com/maseera2018, February 5, 2018.
[5] Facebook.com/maseera2018, February 12, 2018.
[6] Alaraby.co.uk, February 15, 2018; see also MEMRI Inquiry
& Analysis No. 679, Calls on Facebook for Palestinian Millions to
Return to Their Homes in Israel on May 15, 2011, March 28, 2011; MEMRI Special Dispatch No. 3842, Reactions in the Arab World to Nakba Day Events, May 16, 2011.
[8] Facebook.com/aburtema, January 14, 2018.
[9]
On February 17, 2018, four IDF soldiers were severely wounded by an
IED near Khan Younis. The soldiers approached the border fence to remove
a Palestine flag that had been pinned to it during a demonstration that
had taken place there, and were wounded when the explosive charge was
detonated by remote control.
[10] Qudsnet.com, February 18, 2018.
[11] Palinfo.com, March 7, 2018.
[12] Palinfo.com, February 6, 2018.
[13] Palinfo.com, February 6, 2018
[14] Al-Quds Al-Arabi (London), February 7, 2018.
[15] Safa.ps, March 1, 2018; Hamas.ps, March 7, 2018.
[16] Twitter.com/mosa_abumarzook, February 7, 2018.
[17] Facebook.com/maseera2018, February 6, 2018.
[18] Palinfo.net, January 12, 2016.
[19] See MEMRI Special Dispatch No. 4752, Nakba Day 2012: PLO, Hamas Demand to Realize Right of Return, May 24, 2012.
[20] Palinfo.net, June 10, 2017.
[21] Felesteen.ps, March 7, 2018.
[22] Alresalah.ps, February 1, 2018.
[23] Felesteen (Gaza), February 5, 2018.
[24] Alresalah.ps, February 21, 2018.
[25] Alresalah.ps, February 19, 2018.
[26] Facebook.com/aburtema, February 18, 2018.
[27] Alarab.qa, February 19, 2017.
[28] Felesteen.ps, February 20, 2018.
[29] Arabi21.com, February 7, 2018.
[30] Arabi21.com, February 23, 2018.
[31] Facebook.com/aburtema, February 8, 2018.
MEMRI
Source: https://www.memri.org/reports/gaza-strip-initiative-collaboration-hamas-palestinian-islamic-jihad-and-supporters-fatahs
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